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Swiad Gamsachurdia‎ - Zviad Gamsakhurdia
1rd President of Georgia - 1. Präsident von Georgien - 1991 - 1993 >>


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Zviad Gamsakhurdia

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Zviad Konstantines dze Gamsakhurdia (March 31,1939 - December 311993) was a dissident, scientist and writer, who became the first democratically elected President of the Republic of Georgia in the post-Soviet era.
Table of contents [hide]
1 Gamsakhurdia as dissident
2 Gamsakhurdia as President
3 Gamsakhurdia in exile
4 Some important works of Zviad Gamsakhurdia
5 Links and literature
6 Media articles and references

Gamsakhurdia as dissident

Zviad Gamsakhurdia was born in the Georgian capital Tblisi in 1939. He was a member of an ancient, highly renowned Georgian family. His father, Academician Konstantine Gamsakhurdia (1893-1975), was a famous Georgian literary figure. Zviad was a philologist by training and began a professional career as a translator and literary critic.

Soviet rule in Georgia was particularly harsh during the 1950s, despite (or perhaps because of) the country's association with Stalin. In 1955, Zviad Gamsakhurdia established a youth underground group which he called theGorgasliani (a reference to the ancient line of Georgian kings) which sought to circulate reports of human rights abuses. In 1956, he was arrested during demonstrations in Tblisi against the Soviet policy of "Russification" and was arrested again in 1958 for distributing anti-communist literature and proclamations. He was confined for six months to a mental hospital in Tbilisi where he was diagnosed as suffering from "psychopathy with decompensation", thus perhaps becoming an early victim of what became a widespread policy of using psychiatryfor political purposes.

He achieved wider prominence in 1972 during a campaign against the corruption associated with the appointment of a new Katolikos of the Georgian Orthodox Church. He co-founded the Initiative Group for the Defence of Human Rights in 1973, became the first Georgian member of Amnesty International in 1974 and co-founded the Georgian Helsinki Group in 1976 (renamed the Georgian Helsinki Union in 1989). Gamsakhurdia was Chairman of this human rights organization. He was very active in the underground network of samizdatpublishers, contributing to a wide variety of underground political periodicals including Okros Satsmisi ("The Golden Fleece"), Sakartvelos Moambe ("The Georgian Herald"), Sakartvelo ("Georgia"), Matiane ("Annals") andVestnik Gruzii. He participated in the Moscow underground periodical "The Chronicle of Current Events", edited by Sergey Kovalev. Gamsakhurdia was also the first Georgian member of the International Society for Human Rights (ISHR-IGFM).

Perhaps seeking to emulate his father, Zviad Gamsakhurdia also pursued a distinguished academic career. He was a Senior Research Fellow of the Institute of Georgian Literature of the Georgian Academy of Sciences (1973-1977, 1985-1990), Associate Professor of the Tbilisi State University (1973-1975, 1985-1990) and member of the Union of Georgia's Writers (1966-1977, 1985-1991), PhD in the field of Philology (1973) and Doctor of Sciences (Full Doctor, 1991). He wrote a number of important literary works, monographs and translations of BritishFrenchand American literature, including translations of works by T. S. ElliottWilliam Shakespeare and Charles Baudelaire. He was also an outstanding Rustvelologist (Shota Rustaveli was a great Georgian poet of the 12th century) and researcher of history of the Iberian-Caucasian culture.

Although he was frequently harassed and occasionally arrested for his dissidence, for a long time Gamsakhurdia avoided serious punishment, probably as a result of his family's prestige and political connections. His luck ran out in 1977 when the activities of the Helsinki groups in the Soviet Union became a serious embarrassment to the Soviet government of Leonid Breznev. A nationwide crackdown on human rights activists was instigated across the Soviet Union. In Georgia, the government of Eduard Shevardnadze (who was then First Secretary of the Georgian Communist Party) arrested Gamsakhurdia and his fellow dissident Merab Kostava. The two men were sentenced to three years' hard labour plus three years' exile for "anti-Soviet activities". Their imprisonment attracted international attention, leading to members of the United States Congress nominating Gamsakhurdia for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1978. Kostava was sent to Siberia, while Gamsakhurdia was sent to the Russian autonomous republic of Dagestan.

In June 1979, Gamsakhurdia was released from jail and pardoned in controversial circumstances after serving only two years of his sentence (Kostava remained in prison until 1987). The authorities claimed that he had confessed to the charges and recanted his beliefs; a film clip was shown on Soviet television to substantiate their claim. [1] His supporters, family and Merab Kostava claimed that his recantation was coerced by the KGB, and although he publicly acknowledged that certain aspects of his anti-Soviet endeavors were mistaken, he did not renounce his leadership of the dissident movement in Georgia. Perhaps more importantly, his actions ensured that the dissident leadership could remain active. Kostava and Gamsakhurdia later both independently stated that the latter's recantation had been a tactical move. In an open letter to Shevardnadze, dated April 191992, Gamsakhurdia claimed that "my so-called confession was necessitated ... [because] if there was no 'confession' and my release from the prison in 1979 would not have taken place, then there would not have been a rise of the national movement." [1]

Gamsakhurdia returned to dissident activities soon after his release, continuing to contribute to samizdatperiodicals and campaigning for the release of Merab Kostava. In 1981 he became the spokesman of the students and others who protested in Tbilisi about the threats to Georgian identity and the Georgian cultural heritage. He handed a set of "Demands of the Georgian People" to Shevardnadze outside the Congress of the Georgian Writers Union at the end of March 1981, which earned him another spell in jail.

When the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev initiated his policy of glasnost, Gamsakhurdia played a key role in organising mass pro-independence rallies held in Georgia between 1987-1990, in which he was joined by Merab Kostava on the latter's release in 1987. In 1988, Gamsakurdia became one of the founders of the Society of Saint Ilia the Righteous (SSIR), a combination of a religious society and a political party which became the basis for his own political movement. The following year, the brutal suppression by Soviet forces of a large peaceful demonstration held in Tbilisi in April 4-9, 1989 proved to be a pivotal event in discrediting the continuation of Soviet rule over the country. The progress of democratic reforms was accelerated and led to Georgia's first democratic multiparty elections, held in October 28, 1990. Gamsakhurdia's SSIR party and the Georgian Helsinki Union joined with other opposition groups to head a reformist coalition called "Round Table - Free Georgia" ("Mrgvali Magida - Tavisupali Sakartvelo"). The coalition won a convincing victory, with 64% of the vote, as compared with the Georgian Communist Party's 29.6%. On November 14, 1990, Zviad Gamsakhurdia was elected by an overwhelming majority as Chairman of the Supreme Council (the former Georgian Supreme Soviet).

Georgia held a referendum on restoring its pre-Soviet independence on March 311991 in which 90.08% of those who voted declared in its favour. The Georgian parliament passed a declaration of independence on April 9, 1991, in effect restoring the 1918-21 Georgian state. However, it was not recognised by the Soviet Union and although a number of foreign powers granted early recogition, universal recognition did not come until the following year. Gamsakhurdia was elected President in the election of May 26 with 86.5% per cent of the vote on a turnout of over 83%.

Gamsakhurdia as President

On taking office, Gamsakhurdia was faced with major economic and political difficulties, especially regarding Georgia's relations with the Soviet Union. A key problem was the position of Georgia's many ethnic minorities (making up 30% of the population). Although minority groups had participated actively in Georgia's return to democracy, they were underrepresented in the results of the October 1990 elections with only nine of 245 deputies being non-Georgians. Even before Georgia's independence, the position of national minorities was contentious and led to outbreaks of serious inter-ethnic violence in Abkhazia during 1989. Some Georgian nationalists campaigned on a slogan of "Georgia for the Georgians". At its most innocuous, this meant ending the Soviet domination and Russification of the country. Others used it to mean the abolition of the autonomous status of minority regions, and a few extremists demanded the complete expulsion of minorities. The slogan, and others like it, aroused alarm among minorities. Minority nationalists responded by demanding unification with ethnic counterparts across the Russian border or, in extremis, outright independence. [1] Other Soviet republics faced similar inter-ethnic difficulties, notably concerning the Russian minorities in LatviaLithuaniaEstonia and Moldovaand the Armenian minority in Azerbaijan - the latter two cases led to full-scale civil wars. While there were certainly legitimate concerns among many minority groups, it was widely believed by local and foreign observers that forces in Moscow were deliberately exploiting ethnic tensions to undermine the independence of the former Soviet republics.

In 1989, violent unrest broke out in the autonomous district of South Ossetia between the Georgian population of the region and Ossetians demanding that their region be unified with North Ossetia (part of Russia). South Ossetia's government announced that the region would secede from Georgia and unite with their counterparts in the Russian Federation. In response, the Georgian Supreme Soviet annulled the autonomy of South Ossetia in March 1990. A three-way power struggle between Georgian, Ossetian and Soviet military forces broke out in the region, which resulted (by March 1991) in the deaths of 51 people and the eviction from their homes of 25,000 more. After his election as Chairman of the newly renamed Supreme Council, Gamsakhurdia denounced the Ossetian move as being part of a Russian ploy to undermine Georgia, declaring the Ossetian separatists to be "direct agents of the Kremlin, its tools and terrorists." In February 1991, he sent a letter to Mikhail Gorbachev demanding the withdrawal of Soviet army units and an additional contigent of interior troops of the USSR from the territory of former Authonomous District of South Ossetia.

Gamsakhurdia's opponents were highly critical of what they regarded as "unacceptably dictatorial behaviour", which had already been the subject of criticism even before his election as President. Prime Minister Tengiz Sigua and two other senior ministers resigned on August 19 in protest against Gamsakhurdia's policies. The three ministers joined the opposition, accusing him of "being a demagogue and totalitarian and complaining about the slow pace of economic reform". In an emotional television broadcast, Gamsakhurdia claimed that his enemies were engaging in "sabotage and betrayal" within the country.

Gamsakhurdia's response to the coup against President Gorbachev was a source of further controversy. OnAugust 19 he, the Georgian government, and the Presidium of the Supreme Council issued an appeal to the Georgian population to remain calm, stay at their workplaces, and perform their jobs without yielding to provocations or taking unauthorized actions. The following day, Gamsakhurdia appealed to international leaders to recognize the republics (including Georgia) that had declared themselves independent of the Soviet Union. He claimed publicly on August 21 that Gorbachev himself had masterminded the coup in an attempt to boost his popularity before the Soviet presidential elections, an allegation rejected as "ridiculous" by US President George H. W. Bush.

In a particularly controversial development, the Russian news agency Interfax reported that Gamsakhurdia had agreed with the Soviet military that the Georgian National Guard woould be disarmed and on August 23 he issued decrees abolishing the post of commander of the Georgian National Guard and redesignating its members as interior troops subordinate to the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs. In defiance of Gamskhurdia, the sacked National Guard commander Tengiz Kitovani led most of his troops out of Tbilisi on August 24. By this time, however, the coup had clearly failed and Gamsakhurdia publicly congratulated Russia's President Boris Yeltsin on his victory over the putschists (Russian Journal "Russki Curier", Paris, September, 1991). Georgia had survived the coup without any violence, but Gamsakhurdia's opponents accused him of not being resolute in opposing it. Kitovani's supporters reportedly distributed leaflets in Tbilisi denouncing the government for not opposing the coup. [1]

Gamsakhurdia reacted angrily, accusing shadowy forces in Moscow of conspiring with his internal enemies against Georgia's independence movement. In a rally in early September, he told his supporters: "The infernal machinery of the Kremlin will not prevent us from becoming free... Having defeated the traitors, Georgia will achieve its ultimate freedom." He shut down an opposition newspaper, "Molodiozh Gruzii," on the grounds that it had published open calls for a national rebellion. Giorgi Chanturia, whose National Democratic Party was one of the most active opposition groups at that time, was arrested and imprisoned on charges of seeking help from Moscow to overthrow the legal government. It was also reported that Channel 2, a television station, was closed down after employees took part in rallies against the government. [1]

The government's activities aroused controversy at home and strong criticism abroad. A visiting delegation of US Congressmen led by Representative Steny Hoyer reported that there were "severe human rights problems within the present new government, which is not willing to address them or admit them or do anything about them yet." American commentators cited the human rights issue as being one of the main reasons for Georgia's inability to secure widespread international recognition. The country had already been granted recognition by a limited number of countries (including Romania, Turkey, Canada, Finland, Ukraine, Lithuania and others) but recognition by major countries eventually came during Christmas 1991, when the USA, Sweden, Switzerland, France, Belgium, Pakistan, India and others formally recognized Georgian independence.

The political dispute turned violent on September 2, when an anti-government demonstration in Tblisi was dispersed by police with the reported loss of several lives. The most ominous development was the splintering of the Georgian National Guard into pro- and anti-government factions, with the latter setting up an armed camp outside the capital. Skirmishes between the two sides occurred across Tblisi during October and November with occasional fatalities resulting from gunfights. Paramilitary groups - one of the largest of which was the anti-Gamsakhurdia Mkhedrioni or "Horsemen", a nationalist militia with several thousand members - set up barricades around the city.

On December 22, 1991, armed opposition supporters launched a coup d'etat and attacked a number of official buildings including the Georgian parliament building, where Gamsakhurdia himself was sheltering. Heavy fighting continued in Tblisi until January 61992, leaving at least 113 people dead. On January 6, Gamsakhurdia and members of his government escaped through opposition lines and made their way to the breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya, where they were given asylum by the government of General Jokhar Dudaev.

It was later claimed (although apparently not confirmed) that Soviet forces had been involved in the coup against Gamsakhurdia. On December 151992 the Russian newspaper Moskovskie Novosti ("Moscow News") printed a letter claiming that the former Vice-Commander of the Trans-Caucasian Military District, Colonel General Sufian Bepaev, had sent a "subdivision" to assist the armed opposition. If the intervention had not taken place, it was claimed, "Gamsakhurdia's supporters' victory would be guaranteed." It was also claimed that Soviet special forces had helped the opposition to attack the state television tower on December 28.

A Military Council made up of Gamsakhurdia opponents took over the government on an interim basis. One of its first actions was to formally depose Gamsakhurdia as President. It reconstituted itself as a State Council and appointed Gamsakhurdia's old rival Eduard Shevardnadze as chairman in March 1992. The change in power was effected as a fait accompli, without any formal referendum or elections. He ruled as de facto president until the formal restoration of the presidency in November 1995.

Gamsakhurdia in exile

After his overthrow, Gamsakhurdia continued to promote himself as the legitimate president of Georgia. He was still recognized as such by some governments and international organizations, although as a matter of pragmatic politics the insurrectionist Military Council was quickly accepted as the governing authority in the country. Gamsakhurdia himself refused to accept his ouster, not least because he had been elected to the post with an overwhelming majority of the popular vote (in conspicuous contrast to the undemocratically appointed Shevardnadze). In November-December 1992, he was invited to Finland (by the Georgia Friendship Group of the Parliament of Finland) and Austria (by the International Society for Human Rights). In both countries, he held press conferences and meetings with parliamentarians and government officials (Georgian newspaper "Iberia-Spektri", Tbilisi, December 15-21, 1992).

Clashes between pro- and anti-Gamsakhurdia forces continued throughout 1992 and 1993 with Gamsakhurdia supporters taking captive government officials and government forces retaliating with reprisal raids. One of the most serious incidents occurred in Tblisi on June 241992, when armed Gamsakhurdia supporters seized the state television center. They managed to broadcast a radio message declaring that "The legitimate government has been reinstated. The red junta is nearing its end." However, they were driven out within a few hours by the National Guard. They may have intended to prompt a mass uprising against the Shevardnadze government, but this did not materialize.

Shevardnadze's government imposed a harshly repressive regime throughout Georgia to suppress "Zviadism", with security forces and the pro-government Mhekdroini militia carrying out widespread arrests and harassment of Gamsakhurdia supporters. Although Georgia's poor human rights record was strongly criticised by the international community, Shevardnadze's personal prestige appears to have convinced them to swallow their doubts and grant the country formal recognition. Government troops moved into Abkhazia in September 1992 in an effort to root out Gamsakhurdia's supporters among the Georgian population of the region, but well-publicised human rights abuses succeeded only in worsening already poor ethnic relations. Later, in September 1993, a full-scale war broke out between Georgian forces and Abkhazian separatists. This ended in a decisive defeat for the government, with government forces and 300,000 Georgians being driven out of Abkhazia and an estimated 10,000 people being killed in the fighting.

Gamsakhurdia soon took up the apparent opportunity to bring down Shevardnadze. He returned to Georgia onSeptember 241993, establishing what amounted to a "government in exile" in the western Georgian city of Zugdidi. He announced that he would continue "the peaceful struggle against an illegal military junta" and concentrated on building an anti-Shevardnadze coalition drawing on the support of the regions of Samegrelo (Mingrelia) and Abkhazia. He also built up a substantial military force that was able to operate relatively freely in the face of the weak state security forces. After initially demanding immediate elections, Gamsakhurdia took advantage of the Georgian army's rout to seize large quantities of weapons abandoned by the retreating government forces. A civil war engulfed western Georgia in October 1993 as Gamsakhurdia's forces succeeded in capturing several key towns and transport hubs. Government forces fell back in disarray, leaving few obstacles between Gamsakhurdia's forces and Tblisi.

However, Gamsakhurdia's capture of the economically vital Georgian Black Sea port of Poti threatened the interests of Russia, Armenia (totally landlocked and dependent on Georgia's ports) and Azerbaijan. In an apparent and very controversial quid pro quo, all three countries expressed their support for Shevardnadze's government, which in turn agreed to join the Commonwealth of Independent States. While the support from Armenia and Azerbaijan was purely political, Russia quickly mobilised troops to aid the Georgian government. On October 20, around 2,000 Russian troops moved to protect Georgian railroads and provided logistical support and weapons to the poorly armed government forces. The uprising quickly collapsed and Zugdidi fell on November 6.

On December 31, 1993, Zviad Gamsakhurdia apparently died in circumstances that were (and still are) very unclear. According to Russian television, after his military defeat Gamsakhurdia had retreated to a farmhouse in the village of Dzikhashkari in the Samegrelo region of western Georgia. His death was announced by the Georgian government on January 51994. Gamsakhurdia's wife told the Interfax news agency that her husband shot himself on December 31 when he and a group of colleagues found the building where he was sheltering surrounded by forces of the pro-Shevardnadze Mkhedrioni militia. The Russian media reported that his bodyguards heard a muffled shot in the next room and found that Gamsakhurdia had killed himself with a shot to the head from a Stechkin pistol.

This was denied by the Mkhedrioni, who claimed that Gamsakhurdia had been wounded in a skirmish on Chechen territory and had died in Grozny. Adding to the confusion, the Chechen authorities published what was claimed to be his suicide note: "Being in clear conscience, I commit this act in token of protest against the ruling regime in Georgia and because I am deprived of the possibility, acting as the president, to normalize the situation, to restore law and order." The Georgian Interior Ministry suggested that he had either been deliberately killed by his own supporters, or had died following a quarrel with his former chief commander, Loty Kobalia.

Some refused to believe that Gamsakhurdia had died at all but this question was eventually settled when his body was recovered on February 151994. According to British press reports, the body was found with a single bullet wound to the head but it was not immediately obvious whether he had committed suicide or had been murdered. Georgian officials claimed that Gamsakhurdia might have died from cancer, with the bullet being fired after he died in order to make it appear that he had died fighting. Gamsakhurdia supporters reject this theory, with many still believing that he was assassinated or murdered in captivity. Most observers outside Georgia accept the view that his death was self-inflicted. The true cause and nature of his death is still controversial and remains unresolved.

After being disinterred from the farmhouse where he apparently died, Zviad Gamsakhurdia's remains were re-buried in the Chechen capital Grozny on February 241994.

Gamsakhurdia's supporters continue to keep his memory alive through a number of public societies. In 1996, a public, cultural and educational non-governmental organisation called the Zviad Gamsakhurdia Society in the Netherlands was founded in the Dutch city of s'-Hertogenbosch. It now has individual members in various European countries. The Zviad Gamsakhurdia Memorial Diploma of Merit was created in 1999 by the International Association "CAUCASUS: Ethnic Relations, Human Rights, Geopolitics" (IACERHRG).

Some important works of Zviad Gamsakhurdia

  • "20th century American Poetry" (a monograph). Publishing House "Ganatleba", Tbilisi, 1972, 150 pp. (In Georgian, English summary).
  • The Man in the Panther's Skin" in English" (a monograph). Publishing House "Metsniereba", Tbilisi, 1984, 222 pp. (In Georgian, English summary).
  • "Goethe's Weltanschauung from the Anthroposophic point of view."- J. "Tsiskari", Tbilisi, No 5, 1985 (In Georgian).
  • "Tropology (Image Language) of "The Man in the Panther's Skin"" (a monograph). Publishing House "Metsniereba", Tbilisi, 1991, 354 pp. (In Georgian, English summary).
  • "Collected articles and Essays". Publishing House "Khelovneba", Tbilisi, 1991, 574 pp. (In Georgian).
  • "The Spiritual mission of Georgia" (1990)
  • "The Spiritual Ideals of the Gelati Academy" (1989)
  • "Dilemma for Humanity."- "Nezavisimaia Gazeta", Moscow, May 21, 1992 (In Russian).
  • "Between deserts" (about the creative works of L.N. Tolstoy).- "Literaturnaia Gazeta", Moscow, No 15, 1993 (In Russian).
  • "Fables and Tales". Publishing House "Nakaduli", Tbilisi, 1987 (In Georgian).
  • "The Betrothal of the Moon" (Poems). Publishing House "Merani", Tbilisi, 1989 (In Georgian).

Links and literature

Media articles and references

  • "New Leaders Show Their Old Habits; Georgia, Some Other Soviet Republics Cling to Authoritarian Ways" -Washington Post, Sept 18, 1991
  • "Russki Curier", Paris, September, 1991 (In Russian).
  • Aila Niinimaa-Keppo. "Shevardnadzen valhe" ("The Lie of Shevardnadze"), Helsinki, 1992 (In Finnish).
  • Johan Michael Ginther, "About the Putch in Georgia" - Der Presse Spiegel (Germany), No 14, 1992 (in German).
  • "Repression Follows Putsch in Georgia!" - "Human Rights Worldwide", Frankfurt/M., No 2 (Vol. 2), 1992.
  • "Purges, tortures, arson, murders..." - Iltalehti (Finland), April 2, 1992 (in Finnish).
  • "Entinen Neuvostoliito". Edited by Antero Leitzinger. Publishing House "Painosampo", Helsinki, 1992, pp. 114-115 (In Finnish). ISBN 952-9752-00-8.
  • "Attempted Coup Blitzed in Georgia; Two Killed" - Chicago Sun-Times, June 25, 1992.
  • "Moskovskie Novosti" ("The Moscow News"), December 15, 1992.
  • "Iberia-Spektri", Tbilisi, December 15-21, 1992 (In Georgian).
  • J. "Soviet Analyst". Vol. 21, No: 9-10, London, 1993, pp. 15-31.
  • Otto von Habsburg.- "ABC" (Spain), November 24, 1993.
  • Robert W. Lee. "Dubious Reforms in Former USSR".- "The New American", Vol. 9, No 2, 1993.
  • "Gushagi" (Journal of Georgian political emigres in Georgian and English), Paris, No 1/31, 1994. ISSN 0763-7247.
  • Mark Almond. "The West Underwrites Russian Imperialism" - The Wall Street Journal, European Edition, February 7, 1994.
  • "Schwer verletzte Menshenrechte in Georgien" - "Neue Zuriher Zeitung", August 19, 1994.
  • "Intrigue Marks Alleged Death Of Georgia's Deposed Leader" - Wall Street Journal, Jan 6, 1994
  • "Georgians dispute reports of rebel leader's suicide" - ''The Guardian' (UK), Jan 6, 1994
  • "Ousted Georgia Leader a Suicide, His Wife Says" - Los Angeles Times, Jan 6, 1994
  • "Eyewitness: Gamsakhurdia's body tells of bitter end" - The Guardian (UK), Feb 18, 1994.
  • "Swiad Gamsachurdia: Dissident-Prasident-martyrer", Perseus Verlag, Basel, 1995 (in German), 150 pp. ISBN 3-907564-19-7.
  • Robert W. Lee. "The "Former" Soviet Bloc." - "The New American", Vol. 11, No 19, 1995.
  • "CAUCASUS and unholy alliance." Edited by Antero Leitzinger. ISBN 952-9752-16-4. Publishing House "Kirja-Leitzinger" (Leitzinger Books), Vantaa (Finland), 1997, 348 pp.
  • "GEORGIE - 1997" (Report of the Netherlands Helsinki Union/NHU), s-Hertogenbosch (The Netherlands), 1997, 64 pp. (In Dutch).
  • "Insider Report" - "The New American", Vol. 13, No 4, 1997.
  • Levan Urushadze. "The role of Russia in the Ethnic Conflicts in the Caucasus."- CAUCASUS: War and Peace. Edited by Mehmet Tutuncu, Haarlem (The Netherlands), 1998, 224 pp. ISBN 90-9011125-5.
  • "Insider Report" - "The New American", Vol. 15, No 20, 1999.
  • "Gushagi", Paris, No 2/32, 1999. ISSN 0763-7247.
  • Bas van der Plas. "GEORGIE: Traditie en tragedie in de Kaukasus." Publishing House "Papieren Tijger", Nijmegen (The Netherlands), 2000 (in Dutch), 114 pp. ISBN 90-6728-114-X.
  • Levan Urushadze. "About the history of Russian policy in the Caucasus."- IACERHRG's Yearbook - 2000, Tbilisi, 2001, pp. 64-73 (In English).

This article is from . All text is available under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License.

(Artikel nicht mehr auffindbar, 23.03.2016)
The Address of the Iberian-Caucasian Movement to the European Council and the USA 
" The Animal has No Nationality " Zviad Gamsakhurdia
Today it is not a secret to anyone what was the role of European Council and the USA Government in 1991 22 December tragedy - military coup in Georgia; The validity of their participation became apparent to the naked eye, when they supported Soviet Empire when Georgia was restoring its Independence,- with the silence of the West, ever more, the international organizations and President WW Bush, openly opposed the Georgian National hero President Zviad Gamsakhurdia who at that time was already in power, and had been elected as the President of the Republic of Georgia by 90% of the population of the country.
Though this fact became known to the whole world, nobody even tried to respond to this anticonstitutional action. That's why Zviad Gamsakhurdia who came to power after 30-year-old fighting against communism regime, already in his asylum to Chechnya in his interview to mass-media explained why he had not achieved the support or friendliness of the West: 
,, Our goal was to aspire to political independence of Georgia, we didn't obey to the dictate of the Western countries and didn't act in the interests of the West, we didn't let them to become Georgia the colonial state. That was the reason of coming to power of the CIA and Euro-American imperialism agent Ed. Shevardnadze in Georgia. ....The West is fighting against any kind of National Movement, it's goal is the destruction of the concept of nation and the creation of a unified global conglomerate with one world government - the so-called new world order that aims to the destruction of all countries regardless of their nationality, whether they are Christian or Muslim."
With these words President Gamsakhurdia predicted of foretold and made known to the world society already in 1992 the plans, later implemented in Serbia, the Middle East (Syria, Egypt, Iraq... ) Today, when it is condemned and eliminated the Soviet Union and it really had to be eliminated, one thing should be underlined, that in the period of the Soviet Ecumenism, the National Movement in Georgia, without any help from outside didn't stop its activity, it maintained its slogan ,,Language, Motherland, Religion". The National Movement of Georgia always opposed to the globalization giving example of devotion to the other republics of the Soviet Union under the leadership of the most devoted and intrepid dissidents Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Merab Kostava ,Tbilisi was the centre of National movement especially in 1970-1980ies.
If we go a bit back to the latest history, it is also known to everybody that the so-called ,,Perestroika" was inspired under the guidance of 1989 9 April tragedy organizers Gorbachov-Sevardnadze, (Gorbachov was awarded with Noble Prize for that so-called Perestroika)and aimed at the globalization, the reanimation of the Soviet Empire, which was greatly supported openly by WW.Bush who before the whole civilized world so impudently announced from Ukraine that the president of the Republic of Georgia Zviad Gamsakhurdia swam against the flow, with these words he expressed his attitude towards the countries who wanted to live their own national life and were against the globalization.
This attitude of the USA Government was expressed by the USA General Secretary Baker by the bless of WW.Bush. 
As Zviad Gamsakhurdia continues in his interview: ,, the USA General Secretary James Baker openly addressed to the criminal groups in Georgia and instigated them to military coup. The USA was perfectly informed about the members of the opposition against President Gamsakhurdia that they were criminals and former communists.
The only aim of the military coup was to settle down Georgia into Perestroika.
As for the later period of our country, when in the result of the so-called Rose Revolution, M. Saakashvili came to power in Georgia, it is also not a secret to anyone that, when Ed. Shevardnadze had been bankrupted politically, and just because of that he was changed by the chairman of Citizens' Union M. Saakashvili.
It was just the West that paved the way to its cunning goals - anti-Georgian, terrorist so-called national movement. Saakashvili who from his first steps, as the so-called president of Georgia, with the great support of the ambassador of the USA to Georgia Miles and the Russian envoy Ivanov, started his fighting against Georgian people. Tens of thousands of innocent people were jailed and were unbelievably tortured, the rape of male prisoners, 2008 provocative war, where Georgia lost territories were increased by 20%. Particularly brutal ethnic persecution of the people of.Georgian nationality. Granting of Georgia's citizenship to the foreigners, dismissal of large part of the population of Georgia, make other denominations equal to the capacity of the Orthodox Church, State Religion cancel, the so-called Federalization plan, which already in 90-ies by the Shevardnadze followers Khidasheli, Usufashvili Chiaberashvili Jgerenaia, BerZenishvili and other traitors was on the agenda of the Conference in Irvine state of the USA, where these abovementioned traitors represented the so-called Georgian- Abkhaz conflict . (see proceedings of the Aspects of Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict). According to these proceedings Georgia faces the threat of final dismantle, if Georgia is still the united state. This issue was officially unveiled on December, 2004, when the so-called president of Georgia M. Saakashvili ordered the non-governmental organizations to submit the project of Federalization of Georgia as soon as possible, the project which is so shamelessly still on the agenda in today's Parliament of Georgia, after the so-called Saakashvili overthrow. It once again proves that from Shevardnadze's power up to now, nothing has changed in our country. Though Russia was conducted by the West but it always defends its own personal interest as well.
The population of Georgia is profoundly alarmed by the fact that Georgia is permanently haunted by the so-called experts serving as pillars to governing national movement-members of the so-called parliament. Their shameless claims about Saakashvilis merits and services done for our country are accompanied with unveiled intrusion in the domestic affairs of Georgia aiming at having marionette government and appointed presidents. Considering the abovementioned , I would cite President Zviad Gamsakhurdia ‘ s speech made on 26 May 1990:
‘'We are face-to-face with Satan, the dragon, but with the help of St. George we'll be able to defeat it, otherwise it will devour our historical destiny. This cosmic beast is going to trample us down. It has appeared and announced: this is a national movement. In reality, it is Antichrist disguised as national movement; it is Barabas".
Actually , for the first time, in the history of the Georgian nation the damned Saakashvili, supported by the USA and UC , came on behalf of the national movement and his prosecution seems to be out of question though, it is well-known, that even aged presidents in other countries have been convicted and are still in jail.
It must be mentioned that in 1991 in Moscow was held the Conference where by 38 European countries was signed the document condemning the throwing down of the Legal Governments. We demand the peaceful withdrawal of the terrorist who is full with hatred towards the Georgian people, legalizing the alienation of Georgian lands made by Ed. Shevardnadze and who is so greatly approved by you ,the enemy of Georgian people Michail Saakashvili, from our country, until the patience of Georgian people is still controlled, otherwise the whole responsibility of the unforeseen events will lay upon You!
The Head of the Iberian-Caucasian Movement - Beso(Besarion) Mikava
The Press-service of the Iberian-Caucasian Movement -Nana Kakhiani
Tbilisi, 15 December, 2013.

Gamsachurdia‎  und die Helsinki-Gruppe mit Merab Kostawa in Georgien >>
Zviad Gamsakhurdia and the Helsinki-Group with Merab Kostava in Georgia >>

Freiheit, Freiheit!

Der 26. Mai und die Geschichte der georgischen Unabhängigkeit

Mariam Mtschedlidse

Dieser Artikel wurde gefunden in: http://www.kaukasische-post.de/Kp23/politik.html- Nr. 23 - Mai / Juni 2000 - 6. Jahrgang 

Der Freiheitskampf des georgischen Volkes hat eine jahrhundertelange Geschichte. Niemals fanden sich die Georgier mit einer Fremdherrschaft ab. Viel Kraft und Material wurde in diesem Kampf geopfert, doch er trug auch zur Bildung des nationalen Charakters der Menschen bei.

Schon Anfang des 12.Jh.v.Chr. existierte auf dem Territorium des heutigen Georgien eine staatliche Einheit namens “Diaochi”; das berichten die schriftlichen Zeugnisse der alten Urartäer. Bei den Assyrern heißt diese staatliche Einheit “Daiane”. Orientalische Quellen erwähnen die großen staatsähnlichen Verbindungen der Stämme im südwestlichen Teil des heutigen Georgiens. Die alten Griechen nannten später die Bewohner dieser Gegend “Taochi”. Diesen Name  trägt heute eine Gegend im Süden Georgiens.

Der zweite große Staat im 11.-8.Jh.v.Chr. an der süd-östlichen Küste des Schwarzen Meeres war die Kolchis, eine Monarchie. Von der Stärke dieses Landes zeugt die Sage der Argonauten. Der Staat Diaochi im 8. Jh.v.Chr. von den Urartäern zerstört wurde, gegen Ende des 8.Jh.v.Chr. vernichten Stämme aus dem Norden die Kolchis. Auf diesen Territorien entstanden später zwei georgische Königreiche: “Egrissi” in Westgeorgien und “Iberien” in Ostgeorgien. Egrissi pflegte enge Beziehungen mit Griechenland. Im 6.Jh.v.Chr. bezahlte man dort mit lokalem Silbergeld, von Wissenschaftlern “kolchuri Tetri” genannt, übersetzt “kolchische Silbermünze”. Das  beweist die Existenz eines großen und starken Staates. Das Königreich Iberien in Ostgeorgien, bzw. in Kartli, entstand im 4.-3.Jh.v.Chr unter der Parnawas-Dynastie. Die Blütezeit dieses Staates lag im 3.Jh.v.Chr. Seine Grenzen erstreckten sich im Süden bis zum Fluß Araks, dem heutigen Grenzfluß zwischen Armenien und dem Iran, nach Norden bis zum Kaukasus. Im 3.Jh.v.Chr. vereinigten sich die beiden Königreiche; damit bildete sich die Nation des georgischen Volkes. Seitdem lagen die Georgier fast ständig im Krieg mit ihren Feinden.

Im 2.Jh.v.Chr. überfiel der römische Feldherr Pompeus Kartli. Im 4.Jh.n.Chr. wurde das Christentum in Georgien verbreitet, und Georgien kämpfte gegen den Iran. In den letzten Jahren des 4.Jh. wurde Tbilissi, damals noch nicht Hauptstadt Georgiens, von einem Pitiachschi, einem Vertreter des iranischen Herrschers, verwaltet. Im 5.Jh. führte Wachtang Gorgassali, der König Georgiens, Krieg gegen die iranischen Truppen. In seiner Regierungszeit erhielt die georgische Kirche von Byzanz die Autokephalie, sie unterstand nunmehr nur noch dem georgischen König.

Schon im 4.Jh. war Tbilissi als persische Festungsstadt bekannt. Doch der Legende nach ist die Gründung Tbilissis als Hauptstadt mit König Wachtang Gorgassali verbunden. Nachdem er die Iraner besiegt und Tbilissi befreit hatte, richtete er wegen der strategisch wichtigen Lage seine Aufmerksamkeit auf diese Stadt. Wachtang Gorgassali begann, hier einen Königspalast und eine Festung zu bauen. Dieses Vorhaben konnte er nicht beenden, doch seine Erben setzten es fort. Sie verlegten nach seinem Willen die Hauptstadt von Mzcheta nach Tbilissi. Im 7.Jh. tauchten die Araber an den Grenzen Georgiens auf und überfielen das Land. Erst nach drei Jahren konnten die Georgier sie besiegen und ihre Unabhängigkeit wiedererlangen. Auch dieser Friede währte nicht lange. Im 11.Jh. versuchten die Seldschuken, Georgien einzunehmen. David IV. der Erbauer besiegte sie, befreite damit sein Land und schuf einen mächtigen Staat. Das 12. Jh. wird in der georgischen Geschichte als das goldene Zeitalter bezeichnet. Das Land erblühte politisch und kulturell unter König David und seiner Enkelin, Königin Tamar. David der Erbauer gründete unter anderem die Akademie von Gelati. Auch die Felsenstadt Wardsia entstand zu dieser Zeit.

Die Georgier festigten ihre Kultur, Literatur, Politik und Wirtschaft. Doch auch diesem Zeitabschnitt wurde bald ein Ende gesetzt.  Im 18.Jh. kämpften die Georgier einerseits im Osten gegen den Iran und im Südwesten gegen das Osmanische Reich. In den 60er Jahren des 18.Jh. gewann die Rolle Rußlands in Europa an Wichtigkeit. Da Rußland und Georgien den christlichen Glauben teilten, beschloß König Erekle II. von Georgien, mit Rußland ein Bündnis gegen die andersgläubigen Feinde zu schließen. Am 24. Juli 1783 unterzeichnete er in der russischen Festung Georgijewsk den entsprechenden Vertrag. Damit stellte sich das Königreich Kartli-Kachetien, d.h. Ostgeorgien, unter den Schutz des russischen Imperiums. Am 18. Januar 1801 befahl der Zar von Rußland, Paul I., dieses Königreich seinem Reich anzugliedern. Auch Westgeorgien war für Rußland sehr wichtig, damit gewann Rußland Zugang zum Schwarzen Meer. Nachdem die russische Armee in Georgien einmarschierte und russische Strukturen eingeführt wurden, brachen in Georgien viele Aufstände gegen den Zarismus aus. In der Nationalen Befreiungsbewegung des 19. Jh. ist der Aufstand von 1832, die Verschwörung, am bedeutungsvollsten. 30 Jahre lang war die georgische Gesellschaft überzeugt, die Wiederherstellung der staatlichen Unabhängigkeit sei obligatorisch. Doch dieser Aufstand wurde verraten, und die Aufständischen wurden verhaftet.

Die Nationale Befreiungsbewegung in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jh. war die Fortsetzung des historischen Kampfes der georgischen Nation. Doch sie hatte ihren eigenen Grund und Charakter. Rußland hatte den Vertrag von Georgijewski grob verletzt und den ganzen georgischen Staat annektiert. In der Zeit, in der Georgien in Beziehung mit Rußland stand, hatte es seine Probleme nur teilweise lösen können. Die türkischen und  iranischen Eindringlinge wurden zurückgeschlagen, doch die Unabhängigkeit des Staates war verloren. Die georgische Kultur wollte sich an Europa orientieren, aber der einzige Weg dahin führte über Rußland. Damit stand Georgien vor der Gefahr, seine eigene Kultur zu verlieren, denn Rußland wollte seine Kultur auch in Georgien verbreiten. Die nationale Befreiungsbewegung begann fast zeitgleich mit der Annektion. Sie fand ihren Ausdruck in Aufständen, so zum Beispiel im Jahr 1802 in Kacheti, 1804 in Mtiuleti im Gebirge, und 1812 wieder in Kacheti. 80 Jahre später, nach dem Tod Zar Alexander II., begann Rußland, die annektierten Völker zu unterdrücken und zu russifizieren. Die Veröffentlichung georgischer Zeitungen und Bücher wurde sehr stark zensiert und war fast unmöglich. In den Schulen war die georgische Sprache auch in den Pausen so gut wie verboten. Der Name “Georgien” wurde durch den Begriff  “Gouvernement von Tbilissi und Kutaissi” ersetzt. Das Hauptziel der Nationalen Befreiungsbewegung Georgiens Ende des 19. und Anfang 20. Jh. war die Wiederherstellung des Nationalstaates. In dieser Zeit lag Rußland im Krieg mit der Türkei. So bot sich für Georgien eine günstige Gelegenheit, seine Freiheit wiederzuerlangen.

Am 26. Mai 1918 versammelte sich der Seim, ein Rat vergleichbar mit einem Parlament, zu seiner letzten Sitzung im damaligen Gelben Saal im Palast des Stadthalters in Tbilissi und verkündete die Freiheit des georgischen Staates. Am Abend bestätigte Noe Jordania, der erste Präsident Georgiens, nach einem kleinen Vorwort die Befreiung Georgiens. Damit wurde Georgien eine unabhängige demokratische Republik. Dann wurde das Dokument auf Russisch gelesen. Anschliessend verkündete Grigol Rzchiladse vom Balkon des Palastes der wartetenden Menge diese Erklärung. Dieser Tag war für das georgische Volk ein großer Feiertag. Die Aktivität der nationalen Befreiungsbewegung Georgiens wurde so nach 117 Jahren erfolgreich beendet.  Doch leider dauerte diese Unabhängigkeit nur drei Jahre lang. Am 25. Februar 1921 wurde Georgien wieder von Rußland annektiert. Aus der demokratischen Republik Georgien wurde die Sowjetrepublik Georgien, und im Land wurde das kommunistische Regime verbreitet, das fast 70 Jahre andauerte.

Gegen Ende des 20.Jh. war die Kraft des Sowjetstaates erschöpft. Man spürte, daß das kommunistische System nicht mehr zeitgemäß war. Die alte Partei konnte den Staat nicht mehr länger leiten. Ab April 1985 nahm die Partei unter ihrem neuen Generalsekretär M. S. Gorbatschow  den Kurs der Umstellung.

Das gab den in der Sowjetunion vereinigten Ländern die Möglichkeit, für ihre Freiheit zu kämpfen. Auch das georgische Volk nutzte diese Zeit. Im Jahr 1988 gewann die Freiheitsbewegung der georgischen Jugend unter der Leitung Merab Kostawas, Swiad Gamsachurdias, Gia Tschanturias und anderer zusehends an Entschlossenheit und Stärke, und am 4. April 1988 fand in Tbilissi die erste von vielen Protestversammlungen statt: Eine Gruppe von Jugendlichen trat vor dem Regierungspalast in Hungerstreik. Sie forderten die Souveränität Georgiens.

Die sowjetische Regierung war entsetzt über diese Freiheitsbestrebungen. Am 7. Februar wurden solche Versammlungen und Aktionen gesetzlich verboten, sie sollten durch das Militär verhindert


Expräsident Georgiens Swiad Gamsachurdia /
Foto: Archiv

werden. Das geschah dann in der Nacht des 9. Aprils vor dem Regierungspalast auf der Rustawelistraße. Männer, Frauen, Kinder und Alte wurden von bewaffneten Mitgliedern der Armee geschlagen und mit Giftgas zurückgetrieben; 20 Menschen starben und Tausende wurden verletzt und vergiftet. Dieses Ereigniss verdeutlichte noch einmal die Ungerechtigkeit des sowjetischen Systems und seinen diktatorischen, despotischen Charakter. Doch diese Nacht stärkte auch die Einigkeit des georgischen Volkes, für die nationale Souveränität zu kämpfen. Ab dem 9. April veränderten sich die Widerstände, sie wurden intensiver und besser organisiert. Am 28. Oktober 1990 fanden die ersten demokratischen Wahlen statt - zum ersten Mal in der Sowjetunion. Bei diesen Wahlen gewann die Partei “mrgwali magida”, “Runder Tisch”. In Folge dieser Wahlen wurde der Deputierte Korpus des Obersten Gesetzgebenden Organs gegründet. Am 14. November 1990 begann die erste Tagung des Obersten Gesetzgebenden Organs mit dem Segen des Katholikos-Patriarchen von Georgien, Ilia II. Die Deputierten gaben dem Land einen neuen Namen: ‘Georgische Republik’. Doch besiegelt wurde die Unabhängigkeit des demokratischen Georgiens erst am 9.April 1991 um 11:30 Uhr. In Erinnerung an die Tragödie des Freiheitskampfes bat Swiad Gamsachurdia, der Vorsitzende des Obersten Rates, an diesem Tag die ganze Welt, diese Unabhängigkeit anzuerkennen. Doch gefeiert wird die Freiheit des Staates weiterhin am 26. Mai. Eigentlich wird dieser Tag mit einer Militärparade gefeiert, doch dieses Jahr mußte dieses Ereignis leider ausfallen – die Regierung konnte kein Geld dafür zur Verfügung stellen.

MERAB KOSTAVA, einer der führenden Personen im Freiheitskampf, wurde selber auch an einem 26. Mai geboren. Schon als Schüler begann er, für die Freiheit seines Landes zu kämpfen. 1956 wurde er mit 17 Jahren zum ersten Mal verhaftet, doch das konnte seine kämpferische Seele nicht brechen. In den 70er Jahren, der starren Zeit des kommunistischen Systems, als alle sich nur um ihr eigenes Wohlergehen kümmerten, waren Merab Kostava und seine Freunde in die Sorgen Georgiens vertieft. Sie gründeten die Helsinki-Gruppe in Georgien. Als die sowjetische Regierung begann, solche Gruppen aufzulösen und ihre Mitglieder zu verhaften, wurden Merab Kostava und Swiad Gamsachurdia als erste in der ganzen Sowjetunion verhaftet. Kostawa verbrachte zehn Jahre im Gefängnis. In dieser Zeit beging Irakli, sein Sohn, Selbsstmord. Aber auch diese Tragödie konnte ihn nicht dazu bewegen aufzugeben. Im Gegenteil, er war immer der erste; in der Nacht des 9. Aprils stand er in der ersten Reihe, er war einer der ersten, der den Bürgerkrieg in Abchasien offiziell beenden wollte, er fuhr als erster nach Südgeorgien, um mit den Meskhen, einer ethnischen Minderheit, die dortige schwierige Situation zu ordnen. Auf dem Heimweg von Südgeorgien starb Merab Kostava am 13. Oktober 1989 bei einem Autounfall auf dem Rikotipaß. Das war für ganz Georgien eine große Tragödie. Das Volk begleitete mit Tränen in den Augen und gesenkten Fahnen  in den Händen seinen Sarg hinauf zum Pantheon auf dem Berg Mtazminda, wo georgische Dichter, Wissenschaftler, Politiker, Schriftsteller und andere Persönlichkeiten ihre letzte Ruhestätte gefunden haben.

Das Ziel seines Lebens, die Freiheit seines Vaterlandes, konnte Merab Kostava nicht mehr erleben. Doch offiziel ist dieses Ziel seit dem April 1991 erreicht, Georgien ist eine souveräne Republik.

Artikel zur Biografie - Articles about Biography >> 

Texte/Reden von  Präsident Gamsakhurdia - Texts/Speeches of President Gamsakhurdia >> 

"Open letter to Eduard Shevardnadze"
Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Open Letter to Eduard Shevardnadze

The "Open letter to Eduard Shevardnadze", written by the first president of the independent republic of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, represents the statement of real facts that took place in Georgia and is brought to a broad public for judgment.

President Gamsakhurdia is clearing many facts and through reality gives to them the definite place in the history of Georgia. In this 'open letter' with chronological consistency, Zviad Gamsakhurdia describes how Eduard Shevardnadze was struggling against all kinds of manifestations and against the aspiration of the all-Georgian national liberation and independence. The plans of the Kremlin and its agents are fulfilling now in Georgia with the help of the false regime under the leadership of E. Shevardnadze.

Under the flag of 'democracy' without any mercy they annihilate the Georgian nation, turn it away from its own land, drive it out of its own land of origin and they are selling the territories that are indigenous parts of Georgia.

Zviad Gamsakhurdia analyses the events that were taking place in Georgia from the first days of E.Shevardnadze's activities and his role in the bloody coup d'etat in December 1991 - January 1992.

It is shown that these activities were criminal acts against the entire Georgian nation. Zviad Gamsakhurdia foresaw with magnificent preciseness the presumable consequences of the political cataclysms, such as violation of the territorial integrity and the loss of independence of Georgia which had been planned for years by the Kremlin, and with the help of artificially arranged ethno-conflicts and criminal bands these plans were fulfilled by the communist puppet E. Shevardnadze. Georgia forcedly became a member of the so-called Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and Samachablo and Abkhazia were taken from it.

This open letter was a kind of warning for Georgian people and publication will avoid the falsification of the real situation.

But unfortunately the world could not defend the independent Georgia from false democracy and open invasion from the Kremlin.

Georgia lost its independence at the end of the 20th century.

Shevardnadze is accused in the open letter of 19 heavy crimes, but now we have to add the heaviest crime: inspiring the murder of the first legitimate president of the Georgian republic, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, who stayed truthful to the independence of Georgia.

I decided to address to you, as many things in our relations need to be explained as for the Georgian people, and also for all the world. This letter does not have the aim to insult you as a personality, it only reflects objective facts. I consider that all that was going on in Georgia during the time of your government in the Soviet period variably continues today and reflects the relations between Georgia and the Imperial Center, which from the very beginning puts the function of gendarme of Georgia on you. Because of that I want to remind you all even the smallest details and write down my conclusions. I an also ready to hear counterarguments. Everything else let people and publicity argue about.

Though personally we were acquainted to you even from the beginning of the 1960s, our first business meeting took place in 1970. You were the minister of internal affairs and considered yourself to be a friend of my father, the famous Georgian writerKonstantine Gamsakhurdia. That stimulated me to come to you on reception, when my father to the New Year had received an anonymous letter, as if from 'Russian and Armenian Nazi', written with angular letters in the Georgian language, which threatened my father and all Georgian people with physical annihilation. In that letter was said that the Georgian people stood on the way of degeneration and annihilation, and all this would be hurried up by Russian and Armenian 'Nazi'. In their words, Eastern Georgia should be passed into the hands of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and Western Georgia into the hands of Russia. Konstantine Gamsakhurdia as a public figure was the main obstacle on the way to achieve that aim, and that's why they threatened him with physical elimination. In the letter was the following phrase: "We are waiting for that minute, when we'll begin to shed the blood of Georgians. Slaughter we'll begin from the young generation".

For a long time I tried to make contact with you, but in vain.

Your reception answered me that you had a meeting, or said that you had left for the region. Obviously you knew beforehand with what question I was going to bother you. At last I managed to make contact with you through the government apparatus of the Writers' Union, and you received me. You read the letter, expressed your bewilderment, and instructed to investigate it to one of the inspectors of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Besides you told me to visit you again after ten days. I was greatly surprised that during our conversation was present the former head of the investigation department of the city office of Internal Affairs (deliberately I do not mention the name), who nearly took my and Merab Kostava's life in the time of our imprisonment in 1959 by the hands of killer-recidivists, specially sent to our cells. That was obviously your 'symbolic' answer to my legitimate demand to expose the author of the anonymous letter, and also the exposure of your position.

Subsequently you did not investigate anything and hushed up an affair.

Many threats of those 'Nazi' gradually became real in the following years, especially in this year during the bloody events in Georgia. But about that I shall speak later, and now I'll return to other points of our relation.

In the period of M. Mzavanadze, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia, corruption and lawlessness were reigning. Georgian publicity was looking for a way out of this situation. You declared that you should struggle for integrity and principles, would put an end to the revelry of the mafia, and you would take care of Georgian culture (it's clear that it was not possible even to think about the independence of Georgia). Because of this many welcomed your coming to power in 1972. The hope came to me as well, in spite of the fact that I was a dissident and an enemy of the Soviet system. Though, now I see that it was the inexperience of a young person who was deceived by communist demagogy, though it could be very easily seen that flags of struggle against corruption were hoisted by the leaders of the most corruptible ministry.

Besides the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU always appointed as the heads of national republics specially chosen and checked collaborationists, careerists and russificators. It appears that Mzavanadze himself was considered as a 'nationalist' in comparison with you, so far as he (in consequence of his weakness, but not because of patriotism) could not declare war on his own nation, its language and culture, originality, because of that in the famous resolution of the Politburo there were mentioned 'nationalist' deviations of his period.

After your coming into power in the government, the illusion as if the mask of a communist and russificator that you needed for deceiving Moscow, that as if you took care quietly for the national problems of Georgia, soon disappeared. You have begun the campaign of Russification on such a scale that was unknown for the long-suffering Georgia, not even in the years of the Tsarist reactionary Black Hundreds. You have exterminated the Georgian language from all the state institutions and you have made the Russian language the factual state language. You have started the campaign against even the smallest manifestation of national spirit, you have condemned with 'nationalism' even the creation of works on historical themes and your writers and film producers have already created the falsification of history, obviously to propagate the unification of Georgia with Russia as the most progressive event, extolling the 'Soviet patriotism'.

Under the banner of 'internationalism' you have started an unprecedented oppression of the Georgian population in the cities and villages, the priviligation of non-Georgians and so on. You have started the struggle against the 'harmful customs and traditions', that in fact meant the struggle against religious ceremonies, and in parallel you implanted new communist, Soviet 'celebrations', where there was nothing but heavy drinking and gluttony. You implanted new Soviet Communist religious 'rituals'.

You have come to Georgia on the invitation of the present criminal-terrorist junta and you are often seen with other former partocrats in the church where you are lighting the candles. The present generation should know what your attitude was towards the Georgian church, how it governed with the authorities of your KGB, how you tried to turn it into a branch of the KGB, how the members of your Komsomol have been chasing faithful youth, especially in the period of the Easter celebration. They pushed young people through Komsomol clubs, which were functioning nearby every church, terrorized them, 'worked them up', registered them and after that there came repressions, exclusions from high schools, repressions against their families and so on. You converted churches into theaters and concert halls. You have abolished, for instance, the Shio-Mgvimi monastery that was functioning from the VI century, and its Father Superior, an aged man, has been closed in to the building of the church by your assistants on a freezing winter night, where he could hardly stay alive. Many priests had become the victims of the terror of your KGB in those years. You showed indulgence towards the military of the Transcaucasian military region annihilating our unique cultural monuments such as 'David Garedji' and 'Gelati', that was taking place according to the plans of the Empire.

It is generally known that during your being in power the lessons in Russian language at Georgian schools increased at the cost of lessons in Georgian language, how it was forbidden to teach the Georgian history, how you tried to russificate all the high schools in Georgia in 1976, to legitimate the reading of the main subjects in Russian language which caused great indignation among the conscious part of the Georgian population. In the same years Brezhnev's gigantomania, the building of gigantic hydro-electric power stations and enterprises, was supported by you, which was a manifestation of an ecological war against Georgia and in the end its aim was the genocide of its people. That also hastened the assimilation of the Georgian population as to provide such scale construction with national specialists not only Georgia, but even Ukraine and Kazakhstan were not able. You were one of the initiators of the construction of theRoky-tunnel in South Ossetia, of which the Georgian population is reaping the consequences and as a result we have lost the indigenous primordial Georgian lands Shida Kartli and Samachablo.

You, in compliance with M. Suslov, were doing all you best to intensify the separatist movement in Abkhazia by which was prepared the bloody ethnic conflict. Your campaign against the 'negative phenomena' appeared to be a struggle against corruption in the lower and middle parts of the society, while the higher bribe-takers were left inviolable. In that time the mafia of Khabeishvili and Mgeladze had control of millions, that you were sending lavishly to the Politburo, while for the slightest cheating in weight of products and other economic faults people were thrown in the prisons and thousands of ordinary people were sent to Siberia. In the words of a poet from your time, the person who had stolen the camel was hanging the thief of a needle, and to those thieves of the camel you were distributing the important posts. You were implanting unprecedented sadistic methods of torture in prisons, established in special second corps the lawyers-sadists and imprisoned agents (so-called 'blood-hens'), and mutilated and killed hundreds of people with the purpose to get testimonies favorable for the investigation and money, plunged thousands of families into misery (case ofTsirkvadze-Usupian, case of Frolov, opera case, etc.). Many of them are restored to their rights today and they are working on the same posts, probably they will get new 'loads' from you.

In parallel with the struggle against the negative phenomena you yourself implanted criminal methods in industrial-economic field, for example in Kakheti, with the purpose of the falsification of wine. You have brought sugar in large quantities to succeed in increasing the production of wine, which has defamed Georgian wine and Georgian wine industry. However, such falsifications have brought to you the Red Banners, the decorations of Hero of Socialist Labor and paved your way to the glory of the Kremlin.

In those years the moral degradation of the society has increased, and also the people that were searching for posts or trips abroad had to become agents of the KGB (it wasn't enough to be the member of the Communist Party). The result of this was that in the network of the KGB's secret service a considerable part of the intelligentsia, youth and priesthood was involved. In general the number of KGB agents had reached a new record in the period of your government, which you called 'socialization of the personality', as it was apparent that you were going to involve a large part of the population in the service of that odious institution.

In the center of Tbilisi you have erected the monument for the traitor of the Georgian people, Ordzhonikidze, and in Ozurgeti you erected the monument for the organizer of Ilia Chavchavadze's murder, Philipp Makharadze. You were cultivating the cult of the Communist renegades and fratricides in every possible way, and Georgia was at the top of all Soviet republics in the number of Lenin's monuments. You were always secretly encouraging the Stalin cult, as officially Stalin was convicted. You were repeatedly saying in the small circle of your acquaintances that Stalin was your teacher, what you were demonstrating in practice on every step. At the same time in Georgia there was no respect allowed to King David Agmashenebeli (the Builder),Queen TamarKing Georgi Brtskinvale (the Glorious) and other great figures.

Thanks to you the word 'Georgian' became a synonym of 'embezzler', 'speculator' and 'bribe taker' in the Soviet Union and all over the world, although in other parts of the Empire speculation and bribery were rampant. You were chasing the real literature and science that was inspired by national spirit, and stimulated the literature ofG.Pandzikidze and others and the pseudo- science that misrepresented Georgia's past. You were unprecedented cruel by not only chasing the dissident movement, but every slightest aspiration for freedom. In 1976 you have shot the Georgian patriotV.Dzvania, the fighter for Georgia's independence who had arranged explosions as a sign of protest against you in front of the government building in Tbilisi, Sukhumi and Kutaisi. In 1983, on your orders, the fearless female journalist N. Shamanauri has been tortured to death in the psychiatrical hospital in Tbilisi for denouncing your mafia, and also in 1983 young people were shot for the well known 'airplane case', although in other republics for such crimes people were given minimal punishment. Together with that was also shot the priest Fodor Tchikhladze, who was not guilty of anything, but accused of being their 'ideological leader'. In reality he was shot because he refused to be the agent of KGB.

The deplorable situation in Georgia, your draconic repressions and anti-Georgian and anti-democratic politics aroused the protest movement which was led by me andMerab Kostava. At one time we tried, in parallel with underground activities, also officially to express our opinion. In spite of that the doors of the editorial boards of newspapers and journals were closed for us, we were writing letters to you, statements about the situation of the Georgian language, Georgian culture, Georgian churches. You always refused to receive us and to our statements we got no reaction, except that in your speeches -in which you were not mentioning names- you referred to us as anti-Soviet demagogues, betrayers of the country (it's obvious that you meant the socialist country, for the motherland you have never recognized and still you do not recognize). At last we fully went working underground, made close connections with the democratic movement in the USSR, as we had the same goals. That was answered by the chase from the side of your KGB, calls, searches, detentions. After that against us there was launched an unprecedented campaign of slander in the press and on TV. I was expelled from the university where I was teaching American literature, excluded from the Writers' Union, and in 1977 we were arrested.

After the torture chambers of the KGB we were sent to psychiatric prisons: I was sent to the Serbsky 'Institute' of Forensic Psychiatry in Moscow, and Merab Kostava to the psychiatric department of Tbilisi prison hospital. You wanted to declare us madmen for denouncing your harsh regime, for the truth. At last we were saved when the Soviet punitive psychiatry was blamed at the world congress in Honolulu and also by the protests of French psychiatrists. With that we could avoid the psychiatric prison of Dnepropetrovsk, from which we would not be able to come out alive.

During the nearly a year and a half imprisonment in the KGB- prison on your instructions, I was threatened that they would publicly announce me as an agent of the Central Secret service department (TsRU), would be convicted for 'high treason', the members of my family would be annihilated, there would be fired at the youth demonstrations which were expected to take place to defend me, and during my detention in Moscow emissaries of Suslov were even threatening me with tearing away Abkhazia from Georgia in case I did not confess. My wife, who had an infant in her arms, was dismissed from her work during her maternity leave, leaving her without any subsistence, which hadn't even done Hitler and Stalin. Today your agents are in all possible ways falsifying the so-called 'confessions' at the court in 1978, as if they do not know the real situation of the case. Because of that once again I have to explain publicly my tactical retreat.

After our arrest the national movement of Georgia had some danger of annihilation. There was no person at liberty who would be able to completely continue the activities, to support the informational bridge with the West. At last, not seeing any other way out, me and Merab Kostava had to come to an agreement that I should confess some of my actions. To come out of the prison, to preserve the underground samizdat, to preserve the informational bridge with the West, Merab Kostava himself had taken the load of staying in prison, and at the same time had made a written declaration that my so-called confession was necessitated, resulting from our common case. I have brought this statement from the prison, though did not made it public, fearing to harm my friend. At last after his release he himself published it in the Moscow journal 'Glasnost' (1987, no. 5). In the same year he had sent the letter before being released from the colony of Ksani with analogous contents to Y.Bonner to pass it toA.Sakharov. It's ridiculous that you and your assistants today are speaking about my tactical retreat as 'treachery', as if your moral authority was exceeding the authority of Merab Kostava, as if you were a greater leader of the national liberation movement than he was!

However, you are disturbed by my 'confession' for absolutely other reasons. The thing is that if there was no 'confession' and my release from the prison in 1979 would not have taken place, then there would not have been a rise of the national movement, there would not have been the 9th of April and consequently there would be no end to the domination of the empire, nor free, democratic, multiparty elections in October 1990. That's why you are warping when remembering this difficult event for you.

At last you have exiled me to the Pricaspian semi desert, where I was saved by Georgian shepherds from hunger and death by freezing. But after my release and returnal to Georgia your assistants set a rumor about me, as if I had become your agent, which was believed by many and repeated for a long time, until Chanturia and other betrayers themselves showed to be your agents. The society publicly saw that still I was an only person who could inform the world public opinion about the situation in Georgia, who had established samizdat, who arranged protest actions together with the youth. Though in consequence you succeeded in tearing these young people away from me with the help of the KGB machinery, and made them my enemies. Besides everybody could see that still the most important object for chasing and shadowing from the side of the KGB was I. However, you restrained from my second arrest, fearing world public opinion. However, I see your supporters will notice: you are speaking about Shevardnadze's past, but today he is no longer the same. He has changed, transformed and became a democrat. He is one of the authors of 'perestrojka', you know. He has denounced the mistakes of his past, he has quit the Communist party, do not mention his past anymore, but speak about his present.

Because of that I'll take into consideration your activities after 'perestrojka'. It's true that you and Gorbachev had to begin relative liberalization under the pressure of world public opinion, though, in spite of the release of political prisoners and rehabilitation of Russian dissidents, the chasing of Georgian dissidents and their isolation from the society continued. In the years 1987-1989 there was still a raging campaign against me in the Soviet press, which however could not stop the unprecedented rise of the national liberation movement in Georgia, the culmination of what was the 9th of April, when you and Gorbachev for the last time tried to annihilate our movement with the help of military forces. Characteristic is that you, as one of the authors of the plan for the punishing operation, were sent to Georgia with the aim to lift the curfew (though today, after the putsch arranged by Moscow, you appeared again and established an endless curfew. You are not going to lift the curfew as you know that after that there will be the end of your regime).

At last democracy won in Georgia, there were free multiparty elections, which resulted in the failure of your party. From that day you have cherished revenge against me and have done your best to annihilate these achievements with the help of the forces of the empire. By the words of one of the Russian deputies the putsch has cost you and Gorbachev 65 million rubles. As a blind decoy of publicity you have congratulated me with the victory by telegram, though how sincere these congratulations were have shown the subsequent events. In Moscow you established the headquarters where you united all renegades and partocrats that escaped from Georgia, and started an unprecedented campaign all over the world against the new government of Georgia and especially against me. Together with the former Georgian dissidents and other betrayers of the national movement that had been bribed by you, you were assuring the world that in Georgia was established a totalitarian regime and a fascist dictatorship which was necessary to overthrow. It was out of question that we could speak about dictatorship, because more than 20 oppositional newspapers were published, in broadcasting it was only forbidden to call up for the overthrow of the government, freely were strolling around illegal armed formations and parties, we arrested only those persons who had committed concrete criminal offences: thuggery, barricading the streets, attempts to take over control of the television center and so on. You have used the alliance that was established between the Soviet empire and the West against our country, for accelerating its Lebanization, for the preparation of the bloody putsch and coup d'etat.

Together with you against us worked the enormous propaganda machine of the Kremlin, against which our sources of information remained powerless. In parallel the Kremlin was intensively arming the opposition that was established by them in Georgia and united it with criminal bands. And when we began acting according to the law, there raised a clamor about 'political repression'.

At the same time you and Gorbachev in every possible way supported the Ossetian separatists, which helped to stir up the conflict in Shida-Kartli and that was the best opportunity for bringing troops for a new annexation of Georgia. Then I was still thinking that you would pity your country and that I could get from you even reliable information about this terrible danger.

When I made contact with you, you told me that I should telephone Gorbachev and ask him not to declare the state of emergency. But that meant that Gorbachev in exchange for that would demand from me to sign the union treaty, and because of that I did not do it.

Then I asked from you to help us to separate Georgia from the USSR, that was an only salvation. I reminded you that you have nothing but your own country, and you must think about what that means to you. I was greatly surprised when I heard in response the following words from you: "Leave me alone, I am a pensioner, and don't ask me what I cannot do." I asked you whether you had voted in the referendum of March 31 for the independence of Georgia, but you replied with silence. Now it is known all over that you only have taken part in the referendum of March 17 and voted for the preservation of the USSR. And on March 31 you did not even remember Georgia and its independence.

However, your biggest crime is the preparation and realization of the criminal revolution in Georgia, that has no precedent in world history. You, once showing yourself as the uncompromising fighter against criminality, made contact with criminals and with the help of them realized a coup d'‚tat in Georgia. Representatives of the criminal world, Dzhaba Ioseliani together with his 'Mkhedrioni' ('Horsemen') and T.Kitovani with his criminal 'guard', betrayed the legal government and till the present day they represent your main strongholds. The criminal junta that was created by you is, with the help of the Transcaucasian military district, committing in Georgia the same that has been committed by the hordes of Murvan KruSultan Dzalaledin,TamerlanShakh Abaz and the Persian Makhmad Khan. In the junta are united, together with the criminal world, the representatives of the mafia partocracy and representatives of the communist intelligentsia that were privileged by you. This 'intelligentsia' that took up the arms that you had greeted while still standing on the stairs of the plane with which you arrived in Georgia.

These are the social strata on which you were leaning and with whose hands you are trying to build up the future of Georgia.

Your 'amnesty' has released from the prisons and corrective labour colonies of Georgia about four thousand criminals, under whose dictatorship are now the police and the procurator's office. All law protection organs show their indulgence to them to commit new crimes all the time. Under your order and their demand the procurator's office framed up my 'case' and also the cases against the parliamentarians and other officials of the legitimate government. The cases against real criminals were dropped and they were rehabilitated. The imposter 'attorney general' Razmadze declared that these criminals were fighting with guns in their hands to 'overthrow dictatorship', and that's why they deserve the special favour from the side of the new government ("Republic of Georgia", February 25, 1992). From custody was released the leader of the criminal bands of Ossetian extremists, T.Kulumbekov, which caused a great rise in the separatist-terrorist movement of South Ossetia, thanks to that we finally lost Shida-Kartli.

From the first days your junta committed and is committing massacres of peaceful protest demonstrations. In January-February the criminals from 'Mkhedrioni' and 'Guard' killed and wounded hundreds of demonstrators and then tried to hide their crimes by forbidding the Ministry of Health to mention their names.

However, you must know that these name are known to everybody, sooner or later you all will have to answer for these atrocious murders.

Your junta unleashed the civil war in Georgia and, what is the most disturbing, unprecedentedly is stirring up hatred between tribes. In times of 'marches' to Megrelia in Poti, Senaku and Zugdidi you used Gurians, Imeretians and Kakhetians as if you are conquering a foreign country. The latter are robbing and jeering the population, and the population of Zugdidi rose against them.

They liberated the city from the bands of 'Mkhedrioni' and 'Guard', taking captive many people, as a reaction on your order to the 'guardians' to fire the house-museum ofKonstantine Gamsakhurdia in Tbilisi, as if his heritage only belonged to Megrelia, but not to all Georgia.

Today the Moscow mass-media extol you as the politician who played a decisive role in the positive processes of the modern world. Your statement, that you have started 'perestrojka', liberated Eastern Europe and the Baltic countries and united Germany, is extremely exaggerated in the estimation of your own role. All this represents first of all the victory of the western politics, of Ronald Reagan's SDI-program and also of the dissident movement of the USSR, which made the government of Gorbachev to compromise. You in fact receded before the force and signed a factual capitulation, which did not speak about great diplomatic victory. Ridiculous is also your assertion about everything you have done to achieve the independence of Georgia.

If you were really striving for Georgian independence, you would not fight so selflessly for preservation of the USSR, would not come back voluntarily to the post of minister of foreign affairs and would not declare that 'the motherland must be saved' by implicating in the USSR. If you were a supporter of the independence of Georgia, you would have taken part in the referendum of March 31, and also during your trips to western countries on diplomatic missions at least once you should have declared that you are a Georgian by nationality, that Georgia is an occupied country and is struggling for its independence. However, you never considered yourself being a Georgian, and always you have been the real 'homo sovieticus', what you yourself confessed in an interview published in the Italian newspaper 'Corriera della Sera'.

Ridiculous is to affirm that the credit to the amount of 10 million D-Mark, that Genscher has brought to Georgia, will be spent for strengthening 'democratic institutions', about which informed us your ally, the Ostankino center of misinformation.

For everybody it is known what kind of 'institutions' are the so- called 'Mkhedrioni', 'Guard', 'State-Soviet' or 'junta', that exterminate democracy in Georgia by fire and sword, rob and terrorize the population, that turned Georgia into the most impoverished country in the world where everyday already some people are dying of hunger (information from Georgian radio). The recognition of the present illegitimate regime of Georgia by a number of countries is the result of support from the side of the empire, and also from your skill of demagogy and misinformation.

However, remember that at first you should be recognized by your own people, otherwise recognition by other countries will not have any importance. It's a comfort that those countries that recognized Georgia before the coup d'‚etat, recognized the legitimate government and now they are not going to recognize your illegitimate regime. What concerns your own people, they will never recognize you.

It's well known that in today's Georgia narcotics and narcobusiness are legalized. Narcobusiness has become an open, nearly official procedure, as your main supporting formations 'Mkhedrioni' and 'Guard' consist of users of narcotics. For each of them during a day is needed some thousands of rubles to get the narcotics they need, in consequence of which they rob the population, take from people thousands of cars and sell them across the Georgian borders absolutely legal. The population of Tbilisi, Poti, Senaki, Zugdidi, Kutaisi and other cities has been robbed, and now they continue robbing other nationalities, that promises us new ethnic conflicts. Near the border town Kazbegi, homeland for our prominent writer Alexander Kazbegi, they have created the center of narcobusiness, which is a second Hong Kong in the Caucasus, functioning as a bridge between Asia and Europe for narcobusiness.

As a consequence of the robbing of the Georgian exchequer, you are not able to distribute the salaries, pensions and royalties, but the putchists still get premiums for their bloody crimes as the 'fighters for democracy'.

You realise that you're not able to subjugate the population of Georgia only with the help of the narcotics using 'Mkhedrioni' and 'Guard', that's why in military operations against your own people you grandly use the occupational army of the CIS, which now, together with the army of your junta, is standing near the village of Rukhi on the border of the Abkhazian ASSR with the intention to invade Abkhazia to stir up a new ethnic conflict.

On the 31st of March at Samtredia station were detrained armored carriers of your 'guard' filled with soldiers of the CIS-army, who made their way towards the bridge over the river Tskhenistskhali to conduct a punitive operation against the peaceful demonstrators. The military helicopters of the CIS-army are flying around over the city of Tsalendjikha and are shooting at 'suspicious' cars, and they also fired and smashed the beautiful health resort 'Skuri'. In Georgia you are beginning a second Afghan war, but don't think that the world does not see it.

In parallel with strengthening 'democratic institutions', you are intending to restore in Georgia mass terror and repressions, like in 1937, the arrests are going on under framed up charges, in which is seen your hand. On false charges were arrested the deputy Tariel Gelantia, chairman of the budgetary commission of the Supreme Soviet of Georgia, the chairman of the commission in deputy ethics, Bidzina Dangadze, the member of the directorate of the Georgian Helsinki Union, deputy Vakhtang Chitava, the minister of finance, Guram Absandze, a dying person wounded by six bullets from putchists, and others. Now at meetings are propagated beatings to death and wounding by knives. Your criminal assistants are treating women and elderly persons extremely severe and brutal, nearly all females are declared enemies for uprightness and fearlessness.

You are a preacher of 'perestrojka' and 'glasnost', but in Georgia you have destroyed all kinds of glasnost and freedom of speech, you have established the most brutal censorship on press and television, you have forbidden all free publications, have killed the son of the editor of the only independent newspaper, Irakli Gotsiridze, the remarkable painter Georgi Gotsiridze, and now you are threatening to kill another son, because of his father's faith in journalistic conscience. On March 30 of this year you have fully stopped the first channel of Moscow television, which was broadcasting my interview revealing you. Is it possible that this is democracy and glasnost? Why did not you allow to broadcast on television everything that was going on and is going on during the last four months? Why don't you show the destruction of Tbilisi with your howitzers, mortars and rockets, the shootings at meetings and demonstrations, the murders of citizens who are not guilty of anything by your hands, the genocide and robbery of the population in western Georgia? Why don't you give speech to your opponents, do you really think that with the help of that you can muffle up the voice of truth?

Now let's see what your 'activity' represents in Georgia from a legal point of view. Your arrival in Georgia, usurpation of power, the establishment of your illegitimate organ similar to the Central Committee of the Communist Party, the so-called State Soviet, and the appointing of yourself to be the chairman is the greatest lawlessness and a violation of all standards of international law, because the country has a legitimate president and parliament which were elected by the people, but nobody elected and appointed you on this post. You have declared that in the nearest future in Georgia will be conducted democratic elections conformed to world standards. Such kind of elections already took place on the 28th of October 1990. Georgia has a legitimately elected president and parliament, and without them nobody has the right to announce new elections, so that the 'elections' you announced will be false and illegitimate, and new laws about elections, introduced by you, will not have any juridical competence. Such kind of elections will be boycotted by the people as they have already once declared their will and the next legal elections should take place in 1994. Besides, under such conditions, when nearly all Georgia is in state of emergency and curfew, even to think about elections is out of question according to world standards. So the announcement of elections by the junta during a state of emergency does not correspond with any world standard.

Now let's see how you understand the relation of Georgia with Russia today. As has been mentioned above, you have some pretentions that you have dedicated your whole life to struggle for the independence of Georgia. I don't know anything about the independence of Georgia, but I know that all the time you were giving all your strength to preserve the unity of the Soviet empire. But when the colossus on its argillaceous legs was broken, you were struggling to preserve the dying Russian empire, but its disintegration is inevitable like that of all empires.

You are doing your best to secure that Georgia is still transmuted into a Russian colony and its military bridgehead. Why doesn't today's Russia recognize the independence of Georgia and doesn't it establish diplomatic relations with it? Because Georgia declared its independence and doesn't want to be any longer its military bridgehead and colony. Besides, Russia demands that Georgia must recognize Shida-Kartli and Abkhazia as parts of the Russian Federation. "You'll go, only without South Ossetia and Abkhazia," claimed the government of Gorbachev. The position of today's Russia does not differ much from its predecessors.

You have declared that the relationship between Georgia and Russia is more than a diplomatic relationship. Such kind of relations are not known in international law and practice. What can be meant by them, may be colonial slavery? But you have to remember that the Russian empire is doomed the same way as your attempts to establish a pro-Russian totalitarian neocommunist regime in Georgia. Georgia has declared its independence on the 9th of April 1990 and it remains faithful to its choice (by the way, this year officially you did not even observe this date).

Hence, with extreme cynicism and blasphemy from your side, you came in sight against a background of the threecoloured flag of independent Georgia and Merab Kostava's portrait. For that flag of faithfulness you have sent many people to prisons and Merab Kostava, who was kept imprisoned in the Gulag, was in the end killed by your agents in a car accident.

Now let's see how your words and affairs coincide concerning the occupational army of the CIS in Georgia. You have declared that Russia and Georgia should begin negotiations concerning the withdrawal of their armies, as Georgia will never become a member of the CIS. However in practice the contrary happened. While the other members of this 'commonwealth' are driving away the Russian armies or subordinate them to their jurisdiction, you increased them day by day in Georgia. As it turned out, from the first day of your arrival in Georgia you phoned to Moscow and asked to leave these armies in Georgia, as has been declared on Moscow television by your friend, the 'democrat' G.Popov. By consent of your junta they brought to Georgia, driven away from Karabakh, the punitive 366 motor-infantry regiment. Before that the junta lifted the occupational status from all CIS-armies, which was established by the Supreme Council of Georgia in 1991. Now, as it seen based on the collusion with Genscher, you are planning to construct houses for military servicemen, demobilized from Germany. It's natural that he who has not the support of his own people, seeks a foothold in hostile occupation armies. That has always been the case in our long suffering history, it was so in the Soviet period, and it will be so until in Georgia exists the occupational regime of the CIS or Russia in face of your junta.

I cannot restrain myself from mentioning the deplorable situation of our youth in consequence of the situation that is now created in Georgia. You and your red 'professors' always propagated in youth the wolf's heroism and cult of 'thieves-in-law', narcotics, and thanks to that youth hated books and was fond of narcotics, sub-machine guns, robbery and thuggery. Many of them you have turned into little monsters, obedient servants of a criminal regime, that mercilessly deals with the participants in meetings and does not spare the lives of women, children and the elderly.

But we also have good youth, that will ask your responsibility for everything. You should remember that the truth cannot be defeated by prisons, bullets and bonfires. "Injustice and violence cannot reign forever, once and for all unconquerable is only the truth," as used to say our outstanding poet Akaki Tsereteli. Now, at last, I have to give you the main question: who did call you to be our leader? Who invited you into Georgia, who did this work, this youth, who did not give you rest in Moscow, but wrote you letters and petitions that you "come for help in Georgia"? Where are these documents? But the truth outdated the falsification. Now for everybody it became clear that you were invited into Georgia only by one man, the criminal and recidivist Dzhaba Ioseliani, whose hands are dirty from the blood of our own people, and who will be anathematized by our own people, together with you. It is true that his emissaries had brought you to Georgia, and you were met by a small group of criminals and betrayers at the airport. But from that day the Georgian people called you 'Judas' and the scanning of this name will not stop in Georgia as long as you walk on Georgian land.

Why do you fear the truth, why don't you respond to the questions of students and journalists, which was even published in the newspapers? Why don't you receive journalists? May be you are thinking that now we are in the middle ages and your black affairs will be hidden forever? Believe me that soon the West will be aware of all this and know whose hands are trying to conduct its Transcaucasian politics. You will suffer a defeat in the battle with your own people, as were defeated Nadzibula and Babrak Karmal, your closest friend. The same result awaits you in the war against the people of the North Caucasus, that you are planning together with the forces of the empire.

So, your transformation into democrat proved to be a common change of appearance, but practically speaking you remained the same as you used to be, truthful to totalitarianism, to the state terrorism, a communist at heart, which has been proved by your present activities in Georgia, where you have revived the nomenclatural partocracy and a repressive totalitarian regime.

I remember the well known maxim of Kant: "Scrape off the surface of a German philosopher and you will open in him the theologian".

This thought I would interpret in the following way for our present reality: "Scrape off the surface of a democrat of perestrojka and you will open in him the communist partocrat".

How must you ensure your transformation when you, instead of making confessions in front of the people about your heavy crimes, you are adding sin after sin and are continuing everything as before?

The empire has sent you to us, for fulfilling its dark projects, this is known by everybody in Georgia and that's why the people went to meet you hostile. Remember that the Georgian people is not the Politburo, and nobody can bribe them with dollars or D-marks.

Now, let's return to that anonymous letter I mentioned in the beginning. Now I am convinced that this letter did not belong to any Russian or Armenian 'nazi'. This letter was composed by the imperial KGB and you, in which in short was set the plan for the annihilation of Georgia. Much of this plan became reality, it started with the genocide of the Georgian people, the violation of the territorial integrity of Georgia, though one empire collapsed, but another is standing on the verge of disintegration. So the plans of the empire and you are not fated to be realized. The Georgian people woke up and from now on nobody will be able to dictate slavery on them. The empire is collapsing, but Georgia will stay alive for ever.

Now, resulting from the above mentioned, I accuse you of:

  1. the systematical persecution and suppression of the Georgian national liberation movement with the help of merciless repressions, arrests and imprisonments of Georgian patriots and human rights defenders. The execution of the Georgian patriot V.Zvania, the execution of young persons in the so-called 'aero plane case', the execution of the absolutely guiltless priest Teodor Chikhladze, the murder of the journalist Vazha Shamanauri in the hospital for mental diseases of Tbilisi in 1983.
  2. the organization of an international plot against the legitimate authorities of Georgia, the organization of an unprecedented campaign against them on a world scale.
  3. misinformation and disorientation of Western countries concerning the processes taking place in Georgia.
  4. the organization of a criminal revolution and military coup d'‚tat in Georgia, the creation of a criminal junta, the usurpation of authority, the destruction and burning of the center of Tbilisi.
  5. the establishment of a kleptocracy in Georgia instead of democracy, the transfer of the authority to criminal surroundings, and submission to it of law protection organs.
  6. the liquidation of the achievements of the democratic elections of October 28, 1990 and May 26, 1991 and the persecution of the legitimate parliament and president.
  7. the legitimating of the stay of the CIS occupation army, the taking away from them of the occupational status, the bringing in of additional contingents of these troops, including the 366 motor-infantry regiment from Karabakh, the planning of construction of houses for demobilized soldiers from Germany.
  8. the revival of the nomenclatural partocracy and communist mafia.
  9. many years of selfless service to the imperial KGB as its agent.
  10. involving in the secret service of the KGB a considerable part of the Georgian population.
  11. state terrorism, the shooting at and dispersal of peaceful meetings and demonstrations in January-February of the current year (1992) by the hands of criminal elements, which was coordinated by you, as all the actions of the junta.
  12. the occupation of Western Georgia by forces of the junta and CIS, the robbery and genocide of the population, the stirring up of tribal hatred and separatism.
  13. the legalization of narcotics and narcobusiness, the turning of a considerable number of Tbilisi youth into narcoman and criminals.
  14. the persecution during 20 years of me personally and my family, even children under age.
  15. the robbery and burning of the memorial museums of the classic of Georgian literature - Konstantine Gamsakhurdia (in Tbilisi and Pitsunda).
  16. the massive repression and terror against the supporters of the legitimate authority.
  17. the unseemly collusion with Germany at the expense of the interests of Georgia.
  18. the genocide of Georgian people on instruction of the imperial center.
  19. high treason.

Concerning everything mentioned above I am waiting for your urgent written reply and I challenge you to debates on TV (as the former minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, but not as the chairman of the non-existing 'State-Soviet') through your beloved Moscow television which in every step shows solidarity and sympathy for you. These debates will have the character of TV- bridges.

I am ready to take back my words if the slightest falsification, inaccuracy or exaggeration in them will be proved.

President of the Republic of Georgia Zviad Gamsakhurdia
April 19, 1992.

P.S. This letter I had already written when your interview came into my hands, published in 'Der Spiegel' on April 14, 1992, in which is shown your full ignorance of newest history. Specifically you have declared to the surprised journalist that Hitler was elected in the same democratic way as Gamsakhurdia. He politely remarked to you that does not respond to reality, but on the other page he used this expression in inverted commas, with what he laughed at you. I don't know what mark you had at school in history, but such kind of mistake isn't forgivable even for the good pupil of a secondary school, not to speak about the "greatest outstanding expert" in the affairs of Germany, and even more for the friend of Genscher. It is known that Hitler was appointed Reich's-chancellor of Germany by president Hindenburg, as you have ever been appointed as the first secretary of the Central Committee of Georgia by Brezhnev. In this is your spiritual relation. Besides, the party of Hitler could not gather the majority of votes in the Reichstag elections, as your party in the elections of October 28, 1990 in Georgia. So it is necessary to consult at least a popular textbook before you give interviews of world importance.

by Zviad Gamsakhurdia

(translated from the Russian by the Zviad Gamsakhurdia Society in the Netherlands)


Who Killed Zviad Gamsakhurdia ÅÈÌ ËÍÉÊÀ ÆÅÈÀÃÈ

by Adam Lazi

"Woe to you, teachers of the law  and Pharisees, you hypocrities!
You build tombs for the prophets and decorate the graves of the righteous".
(the Gospel according to Mathhew)

"I know your deeds, your hard work and your perserverance
I know that you cannot tolerate wicked men, that you have
tested those who claim to be apostles but are not, and have found them false."
(the Revelation of Jesus Christ)

"You have helped people, Prometh, let them help you now.
(from the Greek myth)

He is born free and will die free. You guess that is Dzokhar Dudaev, captain Nemo of our days, and this  is Chechnya - Nautilus, the implement of revenge of cruelty of the Russian Empire, or green Sherwood Forest. The second is noble, unprotected and pure, combines wisdom of the great scientist and talent of the writer and stableness of a martyr, trustfulness of a child. This is a king of Matishon of our days. All his life he struggled with the communism and liberated from it his small country. He is an eternal dissident, passed over prisons, tortures, penal servitude. Coming to the power he refused to pay for entrance - to kill the little 'czarevich' [prince] that does nearly every president till nowadays. After 40 years of struggle he isn't tired to fight as a captain on the burning ship and soon he goes to the bottom, then I'll lower the flag. This is Zviad Gamsakhurdia, custodian of Georgian wisdom and Georgian honour. My sword belongs to them and I always keep them company for they are ready to die, what for Russia is waiting impatiently. 
 Valeria Novodvorskaia




We'll let ourselves consider the existence of two Russias - democratic and antidemocratic Russia- before touching up the subject of the present booklet. Valeria Novodvorskaia's words, mentioned above, are not accidental, as she is an expresser of anti-imperialist sentiments of the Russian democrats. It's necessary to mark here that Russian democrats had been joined by the absolute majority of Russians that live in Georgia. Most of them had voted for the independence of Georgia and Zviad Gamsakhurdia, though somebody is eager to heaten up the rumours about the oppression of the Russians.

When speaking about the Russian democrats' aspirations, better to recollect the quotation from the letter of Andrei Podkopalev: "The USSR had collapsed. National republics had got independence.

Is that good or bad from the point of view of invisible operators of processes? Very good!" (Komsomolskaya Pravda, May 12, 1993).

What moves Russian democrats? Undoubtedly, first of all they take care of the prestige of Russia, what till now remains an only empire on the earth. In their opinion Russia must make itself free from imperial ambitions and build up a democratic country.

"I find we should take down a peg or two, then we'll become more modest and begin to cultivate our own garden. For the present we don't own much modesty" (Owner no. 6, 1993), says Russian democrat and patriot Mark Zakharov.

Democratic Russia is struggling for complete sovereingnity of Russia, though the imperial forces are still strong. Information from the Russian press. It's not without reason mentioned that in Peterburg in 1993 was held a meeting of Russian nationalists, who expressed their readiness to struggle for restoration of the boundaries from 1945, and were singing nationalist songs. The leader of this movement is Yuri Belyaev, the deputy of the Peterburg Soviet. Mr. Belyaev dreams about the preservation of the empire that does good to his mother country. As apologists of preservation of the Russian Empire appear people of no Russian nationality. They lead the publicity into error and put up resistance to democrats. We offer the speech of the former chairman of the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet, Mr.Ramazan Abdulatipov: "...If someone, for instance in Georgia, begins to speak about Russians as occupants who by force joined it to Russia, it should be reminded to them that Georgia in its time was standing on the verge of physical annihilation and would be annihilated in reality, if not Russia". (Argumenty and Fakty no. 7, 1993).

It seems to this great politician that if a great country has lent a helping hand and has saved it from physical annihilation, the contribution for that is everlasting slavery and obedience.

It should be reminded to Mr.Abdulatipov however that during the 20th century all the empires desintegrated, with the exception of the Russian. This is a natural process and historical necessity, the Russian modernized empire will also degenerate.

And it is no coincidence that comparisons with the Latin American countries appear. Professor Karen Khachaturian asserts that: "...About one more lesson, that Latino-Americans had studied long ago. About the military coup d'‚tat as the sharpest manifestation in the class struggle for power, pivot of the history of Latin- American countries nearly one century and a half. Something of that kind begins to happen at the southern frontiers of Russia, in the Caucasus and Central Asia. For instance in Georgia -after finding the constitutional president Z. Gamsakhurdia. Conjure up the shadows of drama personages of half a century, if to substitute Georgia for one of the states of Central America, Moscow for Washington, Transcaucasian military district for the military district under U.S. command in the Panama Canal region". (Novaya Gazeta, July 8, 1993).

Though the preface turned out a little bit overburdened, I think it's necessary. The aim is to show who was fighting against whom in Georgia, and had won by whose help.


Against whom was struggling Zviad Gamsakhurdia

During the times of battle with Titans the
lightning of Zeus burnt down every living thing
on the earth and it became deserted.

(From the Greek myth).


Zviad Gamsakhurdia was struggling against the communists and enemies of people. In battle with Titans Zeusis were becoming obstacles. He heard the critics of communists may be from his childhood, instead of lullabies in the house of the classic of Georgian literature, Konstantine Gamsakhurdia. Merab Kostava was also brought up in that house.

Zviad and Merab are joining the national movement from the 9th form. The people of their age remember their first steps in this movement. At the age of 14 they, together with likeminded persons, had taken away the bust of Lenin from the entrance hall and had hidden it away forever. The boys have paid a heavy price for that, KGB revealed 'the crime', the boys were saved only by the reputation of Konstantine Gamsakhurdia.

Where are the sources of Zviad Gamsakhurdia's longing for struggle for freedom of Georgia? In his childhood, in the house of his father, Konstantine Gamsakhurdia, were gathering Georgian patriots, and always the questions of the Motherland's fortune and the ways of its liberation were raised. In that atmosphere Zviad absorbed craving to emancipate his homeland and maintained that feeling till the end. He was a veritable champion and faithful knight of Georgia.

...The unforgettable day of March 9, 1956, what stipulated then the protest of the Georgian people? It's paradoxical, but fact - the Georgians were excited by the dethronement of the cult of Stalin's personality, the man who had annexed his independent country with the secret support of Lenin, and beforehand had divided it between Turkey, Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Zviad and Merab tried to bring demands about the independence of Georgia on the meeting in Tbilisi... In respond repressions fell upon them, but even that cannot crush the youth.

Zviad masters some languages, writes verses, intensively studies philosophy (but not marxism-leninism!), history. With his uncommon erudition he surprises not only his friends and historians, but also all outstanding persons of Georgia.

Immediately of course appear the enviers... Many of them at the present moment fill up the ranks of the mafiosi and criminal government and parliament of E. Shevardnadze.
Zviad Gamsakhurdia with an astonishing exactness predicted the great unfortune of his country, as he had told at his last session of the Supreme Soviet: "First of all, in case of my resignation the criminals will come to power, in the second place Georgia will be divided into small states, thirdly, they will begin to quarrel with each other".

And everything had come true. On the basic positions are criminal elements (about what we can be surprised if the second figure in the state is the thief-in-law D. Ioseliani?). Many members of parliament and government are criminals. They rob honest people and the state, buying abroad cottages, villas and land. Credits from state banks are distributed to pseudoparties, to leaders or to false firms. Billions of rubles are used for private wealth, and people grow poorer, not by days, but by the hour.

The KGB had used its complete arsenal against dissidents in the times of Brezhnev. The former general of KGB, mr. Oleg Kalugin, gave an interview to the correspondent of the newspaper Moscow News (no. 50, 08-12-1993) and marked that: "...Against those such as Sakharov, Solzhenitsyn and Gamsakhurdia was working the 5th department of KGB. In its structure was the 12th laboratory that was researching poisons to influence the brains of the above- mentioned persons and many others...".

Zviad was 'treated' in Serbsky Institute. However, not this institute, nor KGB and its 12th laboratory could break his health and also his will of victory. They were tired to fight with him.

Z. Gamsakhurdia and M. Kostava, together with their comrades, are doing impossible things in the condition of the existing regime in the period from 1956 to 1989 - they kindle the idea of the national-liberation movement. Nobody, after I.Chavchavadze, could raise the level of the Georgian national consciousness as Zviad Gamsakhurdia could. He travelled a lot in all regions of Georgia and met with many people. Those meetings more and more showed how in the empire of evil human rights were violated in all places, and the existing regime was indifferent to solve the problems. And Zviad Gamsakhurdia establishes the Georgian Helsinki Union in 1976 to defend human rights.


The communist mafia understood that a serious opponent appeared.

They began to work over and influence the supporters and friends of Zviad. KGB declares him as being their agent. Servants of the regime committed real psychological terror. Not only psychological. They also poisoned all poultry in the yard, and the yard of Gamsakhurdia was known for everybody by its variety of representatives of the world of animals. Around the house of Gamsakhurdia there was often made unbearable noise, but the experienced former patient of the Serbsky Institute didn't fall for these provocations. Many sufferings experienced the wife of Z. Gamsakhurdia - Manana Archvadze-Gamsakhurdia. She always was together with her husband, and issued handwritten journals with severe criticism of the regime.

In 1977 the KGB comes to stronger actions - the arrests of Zviad and Merab. Merab takes all the responsibilities on him, not to expose the national-liberation movement of Georgia, and Zviad is released after three years of detention. They forced Zviad to sign a letter in which he declared to stop his political dissident activities. Though he more intensifies the struggle for the freedom of Georgia. The KGB does not leave this unanswered: still psychological terror, still bribery of comrades, aspersion...

Zviad, together with the political and dissident activities, leads fruitful work as a scientific worker of the Institute of Literature. Fundamental scientific work about Rustaveli, translations of American and French poets and 'forbidden' Steiner - all these find the gratitude of readers.

Under the leadership of Z. Gamsakhurdia and M. Kostava grandeur meetings are held in Tbilisi on April 4, 1989. Participants in the national movement demanded the independence of Georgia. On the 9th of April an army of special destination disperses the meeting. 21 persons were killed, basically women. More than 3000 persons are poisoned by gas. The organizers of the meeting are arrested. Under the demand of world publicity they were released after two months.

In April 1990, on the initiative of Z. Gamsakhurdia, the political organisation 'Round Table' was established, that declares decisive struggle against the communist party of Georgia and the Soviet regime. On the 28th of October of the same year the political bloc 'Round Table-Free Georgia' is the winner in multiparty elections. On the 14th of April, at the first session of the Supreme Soviet, Z. Gamsakhurdia is elected chairman and on the 26th of May, 1991, as the President of Georgia.

This was the only case of public presidential elections in the former USSR. Z.Gamsakhurdia and parliament, keeping to the international standards from the first session already, began to struggle for the freedom of Georgia. To the Russian army, that was dislocated in Georgia, was given the status of an occupational army. Georgia was recognized by 22 states of the world. The long-suffering Georgian people was celebrating the victory. But Satan was not asleep.

Shevardnadze, as a chief producer of the putsch in Tbilisi, December 1991-January 1992, didn't show up in the arena. Former labours (discredited elements) and also offended former comrades of the president separately arrived from Tbilisi in Moscow to see Shevardnadze. Later it became clear that Shevardnadze promised to many of them the first posts if they would help to overthrow the legitimate president Gamsakhurdia.

The opposition created an alliance of corrumpted elements with criminal surroundings, and with the help of the Transcaucasian military district they attacked the lawful government in all possible ways:

  • economic sabotage (for the reason to make sure to people that Zviad Gamsakhurdia leads them into a catastrophe), b) informational blockade and propaganda against the president as a dictator,
  • the inflammation of passions concerning the infringement upon the interests of national minorities, what as if exists on the territory of Georgia.

Shevardnadze was supported not only by internal forces, he called foreign armed forces to overthrow the legitimate government of his own country. Former mayor of Moscow, Gavril Popov, later confessed in broadcasts that the coup d'‚tat in Georgia had cost Moscow 65 million rubles.

On the 22nd December, 1991, the military coup d'‚tat began. The president had enough forces to subdue the communist mafias forces' resistance, but having heard that in fights were involved special troops (spetsnaz) from Moscow, to avoid bloodshed the president left Tbilisi on the 6th of January 1992. And yet again Moscow decided by whom Georgia would be governed - E. Shevardnadze, co-author of the scenario of the Tbilisi putsch, ex-minister of foreign affairs of the USSR and earlier first secretary of the central committee of the Georgian Communist party.


Who was fighting against Zviad Gamsakhurdia

"...what was, that will be, and what was done, that will be done.."


To explain the reasons of temporary defeat is not possible without characterising the antipode of Z. Gamsakhurdia - Eduard (Georgi) Shevardnadze. In his youth he became a Komsomol worker.

From the very beginning in his own region, then in Kutaisi and Tbilisi. He came to the post of first secretary of the Tbilisi party district committee. Everybody was sure that he has achieved what he wanted. But they were mistaken - 'flaming communist' must do something to approve his image of irreconcilable to negative phenomena, uncompromisable and honest member of the party. And here was fabricated the case of the brothers Lazishvili - representatives of 'shady economics'. The 'flaming communist' made a mistake: Lazishvili brothers were already discredited and the ordinary first secretary was no hindrance for them. Discredited friends decided to get out of a 'zealous communist'. And all that was going on for some months...

With the help of former Komsomol colleagues in Moscow Shevardnadze is appointed deputy minister of internal affairs in Georgia.

The fundament of the alliance between Moscow and Shevardnadze was laid. In Iskaltubo one of the relatives of Lazishvili killed a man in a car crash. 'Corrumpted friends' ordered the minister of internal affairs to hide away this accident. Shevardnadze denunciated of this event in Moscow to his friend. After two or three days Shevardnadze becomes the Minister of Internal Affairs.

In that way in Moscow they are firmly confirmed in the image of the incompromising communist E.A. Shevardnadze.

There began massive arrests - from the labours of directorate to the rector of the Tbilisi Medical Institute - Gelbakhiani, the director of the weaving fabric - Babunashvili. Useless people are dying one by one under mysterious circumstances: secretary of the central committee Gegeshidze, Gigiberia, Gogichaishvili, chairman of the Council of Ministers of Georgia - Pataridze. On their posts are promoted 'comrades' with a dark past. People understood that Shevardnadze took his mask, but it is unbelievable that yesterday's 'irreconcilable communist' suddenly found himself among such people. He knows rather well that enemies should be annihilated and in an alliance with KGB in Tbilisi is established a special prison - Special Isolator 1 MIA-USSR, Special Isolator- 2 KGB-USSR. Special corps 11, a butchery for prisoners, where were used terrible methods of torture: beatings with iron twigs, piercing with iron 'needles', hanging upside down, cauterization of the body by burning cigarettes, electro shocks, rape.

To create the image of a principal communist Shevardnadze uses different means, he aspires to be the first in everything. So, for example, he is the one and only person who called L.I.

Brezhnev 'Leader', to win the favour of the KGB-bosses, Shevardnadze was the first in the history of the USSR who shot the hijackers of an aeroplane, among them the innocent priest Chikhladze. Till that time there were no examples of shooting hijackers. From careeristic motives he arrests his friend Kobakhidze and shoots him. In that criminal, bloody way he came to the post of minister of foreign affairs of the USSR. By the way, the minister in the column of 'education' has written the following specialities: doctor's assistent-veterinary and historian. Here must be mentioned that both of these specialities he acquired by correspondence. All this was happening for 20 years, until he put on the mask of a democrat and was baptized under the name Georgi. Let's see about what was writing in those times the prisoner of Shevardnadze's prison, Karlo Tsulaia, to the secretary of UN, Kurt Waldheim: "From the first day Y.

Tsirekidze began to torture me, he beat me so severely that I lost my consciousness for some hours, then I was pricked with iron rods...". That was 1975. The same year in Georgia appeared an anonymous samizdat under the name 'Tortures of the convicted in the prisons of Georgia'. As it turned out, that was done by Zviad Gamsakhurdia. Shevardnadze could not forget about it. The anger broke out when Zviad Gamsakhurdia became the first president of Georgia.

...So on the 6th of January 1992, the legitimate president was overthrown by the help of Russian special troops. After two months Shevardnadze comes to power. His anger breaks out on Zviadists with unprecedented severeness. The prisons were filled again in Georgia. But only with this difference that Tsirekidze was replaced by Chogovadze. Among the repressed people is the doctor of medical science, Gedeon Gelbakhiani, beaten to death by Chogovadze.

Shevardnadze claims that he has changed. However, the density of 'lodgers' in Georgia's prisons point to the contrary. Yes, Shevardnadze has been changed, but in the worst direction - in that we believe.

The years 1992-93 can be bravely called as he years of Georgian oprichnina. The executions are made without any court and investigation. Even notorious 'troiki' began to seem as a norm of the civilized society.

By the words of Shevardnadze in November 1993 he finally had annihilated the Zviadists, and Zviad himself had disappeared from the political arena. E. Shevardnadze is very courageous and even declares that "he must put a finish to his idea". If he means the annihilation of Georgia - he already has attained that. Georgia is deserted, there nearly remained no Georgians. It's interesting to see with what other task he was intrusted.


Abkhazia, Samachablo and Shevardnadze

"One who destroys another one's city, will also destroy his own"
(from an Eastern myth)


Reactionary forces promised (in Dagamis) to Shevardnadze: if Georgia joins the CIS and concludes a treaty with Russia, then Samachablo and Abkhazia would be returned to Georgia. With the purpose of realization of the promised, it was necessary to lose first and then to return the lost. However, where are the guarantees? There are not any. To deceive Shevardnadze costs nothing for the Russian Empire.

As a result of these games not even one Georgian family is returned to South Ossetia. In addition there were 250 thousand refugees from Abkhazia. From the side of Shevardnadze all the terms of Russia were fulfilled. Now it's Russia's turn.

For the beginning of April 1994 there is nothing done to redeem their pledges from the side of Russia. And will they be implemented at all? This was the first case when Shevardnadze was deceived. He knew that he would be deceived, but he did it deliberately. To no other former republic the price was so high to become a member of the CIS as it costed Georgia. Destruction of thousands of young people, narcomanization of the entire country, the rise of Ioseliani and other supporters, devastation, starvation, complete paralysis of the economic and financial mechanisms.
This is not a complete list of E. Shevardnadze's crimes. The beginning of the war in Abkhazia was the main trump in Georgia's destruction. Not only material, but also moral and ethic destruction. The war in Abkhazia served to make Georgia to stand on its knees and it would ask itself to be a member of CIS.

However, that did not happen. In that Shevardnadze confessed himself. One can ask who would be against if he before the warbecame the member of CIS? 'Granddad' Yeltsin also then could send reinforcement troops, in the same way as was done in the autumn of 1993.

At the beginning of the war the Abkhazians declared: "We want to be with Georgia", and when they were convinced that Shevardnadze was deceived by Moscow, they began to howl "We want to be with Russia!".

For everybody it is known that Shevardnadze himself created the necessary prerequisites for the Abkhazian Supreme Soviet to pass the anticonstitutional laws. The Abkhazian leader Vladislav Ardzinba was saying about that: "As today's regime in Georgia came to power with the use of force by a coup d'‚tat in Tbilisi, because of that any lawful organ of government that existed before was unacceptable, it should be abolished with the same methods, so to say using the same force that is going on today.

More than this, under this lawlessness they try to bring some 'legitimate' basis. Coming to power, using violence in Tbilisi, the military council passed the decision in February 1992 to abolish the Constitution of GSSR from 1978 and the transmission of the Georgian Republic on the Constitution of 1921, where such 'subjects' as the Abkhazian ASSR are not provided at all." Before the beginning of the war, the president of the Georgian Republic was given a notice to his people and to the national- liberation movement from Grozny, that Georgia should not start a war against Abkhazia under not any decision of the Abkhazian parliament. The president clearly understood and knew that the secenario of a provocational war in Abkhazia had been written outside Georgia with the participation of Shevardnadze.

Before the war, Zviad Gamsakhurdia gave a notice and suggested not to bring troops into the west of Georgia (Abkhazia), however, Shevardnadze didn't take all this in consideration. With the help of that, Shevardnadze and his supporters gave cause to the Abkhazian side. And Shevardnadze could not set off any lawful norm against such an anticonstitutional act.

Apparently, all this is fabricated for years, instead of lawful norms 'democrat' Shevardnadze sets off tanks against Abkhazia.

But he has finished the war with a disgrace. During the unleashment of the war in Abkhazia some goals were put: a) subjugation of Georgian people, to make Georgia a satellite of Russia with the help of the CIS, and in that way to sign a new treaty of Georgievsk;

  • to conduct elections in western Georgia to insure legitimacy of power;
  • to liquidate the insubordination movement of the supporters of the legitimate president of Georgia.

Here should be mentioned that armed subdivisions of Shevardnadze constantly bombed (the pilot was Dzimi Maisuradze) cities and villages, those were controled by his regime - Sukhumi, Ochamchire region, Kvitouli.

22 thousand of Georgians were killed in Abkhazia. In Gali region the war broke up in February 1994. Hundreds of Georgians had died. Deceived Shevardnadze has no army, some groups of patriots penetrate into Abkhazia (there is nothing for marauders to steal, as Abkhazians, confederates and Russian mercenaries together with Kazaks had already stolen everything), they cannot be reconciled with the position of exile from their historical homeland.

However, in an unequal war they were annihilated. Abkhazians for the purpose of revenge, or for the purpose of genocide, are annihilating the Mengrelian population. And Shevardnadze, who officially declares about the friendship with Butrus Ghali, prefers to keep silent about the genocide of Mengrelians in Gali and its regions.

We think that 'great democrat' is more troubled with the fate of 68 persons killed in Sarayevo, than with the fate of his own people. Moscow arms small nations of the Caucasus, as for uncontroled use of arms promotes the selfdestruction of these nations. It's interesting what has been written in the newspaper Moscow News (no. 29 - July 18, 1993) in an interview of a correspondent with retired lieutenant-colonel Sergei Leonenko:

  • corr.: What kind of relationships are there between Abkhazian and Russian soldiers?
  • Leonenko: Fraternally.
  • corr.: Do you get arms from Russian military units?
  • Leonenko: The tragedy is that Russia already has armed the both opposed sides to their teeth.

Leonenko and others like him have annihilated thousands of Georgians in Abkhazia. But this does not trouble 'one of the fathers of democracy', E. Shevardnadze, at all. He is a 'politician' of more global scales. Today the territorial integrity of Georgia is destroyed. Though Russia had recognized its integrity, but everything is done for disintegration. We think that Russia itself gives very bad examples of violation of the territorial integrity of other territories.

Shevardnadze does not form a Georgian army. He knows that in that army 80-90 percent of his opponents may appear and they can easily arrange a military coup d'‚tat. It's more convenient for him to invite internal forces. Let's remember about autumn 1993, when on his knees he asked foreign countries (Russia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Armenia) for support against his own people. To create the conditions for Russian bases are the direct proof for the above mentioned.

When Georgians see how Russian military bases in Georgia are reconstructed, they say that Russians still occupy Georgia.

However, the peaceloving, hospitable and human Russian people is not guilty, one mission is decided for them in the Russian Empire - to bring up a 'cannon-fodder'.

Russian democrats, mouthpieces of Russian people's will, protested against the formation of three (unofficially five) military bases in Georgia. These bases are necessary for Shevardnadze to consolidate his power, but not to defend the territorial integrity of Georgia. With the formation of military bases Shevardnadze insulted honest Russian people and caused great dissatisfaction among Georgians. So behind the back of Russian and Georgian people, Shevardnadze and Russian imperialism are doing their own sweet will. Today, after that everything had been finished to the Georgian people's detriment, it is difficult to convince Russians that in the zones of conflict the 'Russian language population' had no defence. The author of these words was in Sukhumi till its collapse and also witnessed that for stray bullets and shell splinters everybody is equal.

A majority voted against joining the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) when Shevardnadze rose this question in Georgian parliament, but Shevardnadze declared that without joining CIS it would be impossible to solve the problem of the returnal of Abkhazia as a part of Georgia, and it also would be impossible for the refugees to return to their land.

What do Russian democrats think about the split of Georgia and about the reanimation of the Russian Empire? We believe that they take this to heart more than many Georgian renegades do. Valeria Novodvorskaia wrote in the newspaper Izvestija (March 4, 1994): "And if our love to the motherland should not be considered strange, then it's easier to do it with the state. People of my class experience unambiguous detestation to it. What else can I experience, looking at Georgia tortured to death." And one more line from this article: "The state has jaws only; no brains, no soul. What else are we good at, except to tear alive to pieces like it was done to Georgia, Moldova, Tajikistan?" Russian democrats worry about the fact that the Moscow government evidently shifts to a policy of genocide of small nations. Soon we will be witness of the disappearance of some of these nations.

When Russian democrats are defending the interests of small nations, they first of all think about the fate of Russia itself.

They don't want honest and decent Russia to have the lifelong stigma of the destructor of small nations. Russian chauvinists are spoiling the prestige to all nations who are not guilty in that. But in hot spots, where the people are brought to despair, it's different for them to divide people into chauvinists and non-chauvinists. Local inhabitants accuse Russian people for their troubles. If this still continues then in the nearest future all small nations will be set off against Russian people.

This process already began. Russian democrats understand that very well, this is the reason why they are defending the interests of small nations and the interests of the entire Russian people from the chauvinistically disposed Moscow government.

What can be said about the CIS? If it was the union of real independent states (with their own army, economy, inviolable frontiers), then the creation of that kind of union could be welcomed by all nations united in it, but CIS today is not even the USSR but the worst of it.


Who annihilated Zviad Gamsakhurdia?

Jesus said: "Do not hold on to me, for I have not
yet returned to the Father. Go instead to my brothers and tell them
I am returning to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God".

(The Gospel According To John)

'...a large number of people followed him,
including women who mourned and waited for him".

(The Gospel According To Luke)

When we mention Zviad Gamsakhurdia's defeat, we must realize his defeat as a person, because he disappeared from the political arena. In spite of this, it does not mean the defeat of his ideas - the ideas of independence and revival of Georgia with the help of civilized methods. The reader has already understood from this brochure who overthrew Zviad, who exiled him, however we will try, respected reader, to take up some of the facts in detail.

In February 1994 in the weekly journal 'Sobesednik' ('Interlocutor') was published an article of the former officer of the GRU (Military Intelligence Service) Viktor Suvorov entitled: "Spetsnaz for all of us". At the end of this article the author gives a chronicle:

  • Mid 1950s: formation of subdivisions in the armies;
  • 1961-62: Soviet spetsnaz (troops of special destination) take part in military actions against anti-Castro opposition in Cuba;
  • 1967-73: same subdivisions are fighting against Israel at the side of Arabs in Egypt and Syria;
  • 1967-75: taking part in Indo-China war against Americans;
  • August 1968: taking part in capturing key positions and leading figures of Czechoslovakia;
  • 1968-1980: taking part in skirmishes at the Soviet-Chinese border;
  • 1975-90: taking part in military actions in Angola;
  • 1976-80s: taking part in fights in Mozambique;
  • 1978-90: taking part in fights in Ethiopia;
  • 1978: appearance of special emergency army in Afghanistan;
  • December 1979: seizure of key objectives in Kabul;
  • 1978-89: taking part in the war in Afghanistan;
  • 1980-81 taking part of spetsnaz for invasion into Poland (invasion was not realized);
  • 1980-90: presence of spetsnaz officers in military forces helped to lead preparation during Iran-Iraq war and participated in organizing of counter-movement of partisans and Kurds;
  • 1981-90: taking part in fights against Nicaraguan 'contras' on the side of the Sandinists;
  • Summer 1988: military operation on the airport Zvartnots in Yerevan;
  • December 1988: arrest of the members of the Karabagh Committee by spetsnaz forces by the order of general Makashov;
  • 1989-91: taking part in fights in Nagorny Karabagh;
  • 9th April 1989: dispersal of peaceful demonstration in Tbilisi;
  • January 1990: military action in Baku;
  • January 1991: military action in Vilnius;
  • August 1991: during the putsch spetsnaz subdivisions were brought in fighting position in Riga, Tallinn, Vilnius... In Samara they took under their control many key positions;
  • December 22, 1991 - January 6, 1992: participation of spetsnaz of Transcaucasian military district in the operation to overthrow the president of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia;
  • August 1992 - November 1993: 15 registered participations of spetsnaz-members in the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict on Abkhazian side;
  • November 1993: taking part of spetsnaz of the Russian army in fighting operation against Zviadists on the side of Shevardnad ze's 'army';
  • End of 1992 till the present day: participation of Russian spetsnaz in military actions against opposition in Tajikistan;
  • January 1994: subdivisions of spetsnaz airlanding forces were brought in fighting positions and prepared for landing operations in Latvia concerning a rising political conflict (arrest of two generals of the Russian army)...

We possess authentic facts that with the help of Shevardnadze's 'reputation' military subdivisions, with the help of which Abkhazians won the war against Georgia, were relocated in Western Georgia for the annihilation of supporters of the legitimate government - but still this kind of action was against his own people. Shevardnadze, with the help of this military subdivision, was bombing the town of Poti at the end of October and the beginning of November 1993.

During bombing not only supporters of the legitimate government died, but also those parts of the population that were loyal to Shevardnadze's regime. So Shevardnadze, in his fight against Zviad Gamsakhurdia and his supporters used all kinds of forbidden methods of war. It's difficult to say whether the former Soviet minister of foreign affairs read Macchiavelli, but one thing is obvious: to achieve his mercenary goals he did not disdain to use his methods.

In this way ended the single combat of Gamsakhurdia-Shevardnadze.

With the help of Russian spetsnaz Shevardnadze gained victory.

With the aim of Gamsakhurdia's savage reprisal he made a genocide of his own people, he involved the population in a senseless war, inflicted reprisals and repression upon political opponents, set some regions of his own country against each other. So, such victory is tantamount to a defeat.

"The great people are distinguished by the fact that the tragedy of the epoch is turned as their personal life tragedy in them. Often there are reflected in them all greatness and solidity of time they live in". These words belong to Zviad Gamsakhurdia himself. They are mentioned at the address of Lev Tolstoy, however these words can be addressed to Gamsakhurdia as well.

This is his tragedy, he represents a bearer of sorrows which are common to all mankind. He perished in one of the villages of a small region. The eyewitness, prefect of Tsalendzikha region Z.Guchua, accounts that Zviad decided not to give up alive and asked the guards to shoot him without any hesitation when they would be surrounded by Shevardnadze's agents. Not only the village where the President was was besieged, but also the entire Samegrelo region. Zviad preferred to transform to heavenly Georgia, rather than to fall into the hands of Shevardnadze's executioners.

When we present his martyrized death, words from the Bible come into our memory:

 "When they came to the place called The Skull, there they crucified Him, along with the criminals - one on His right, the other on His left. Jesus said: "Father forgive them, for they do not know what they are doing". And they divided up his clothes by casting lots". (The Gospel According To Luke).

February 22, 1994 the first president of Georgia, elected by the absolute majority of the Georgian population, was buried in Grozny. He was accepted in Chechnian soil. It's difficult to find an analogy to Chechenian-Georgian friendship in the last century.

Georgian people grieve over their beloved president. Georgia is shocked today. Its destruction and disintegration began from the exile of the president and the coming to power of the criminal world.

May 26 - on the day of the independence of Georgia Zviad Gamsakhurdia addressed people at numerous demonstrations in Tbilisi: This is the way of barbarians, this is the way of robbers and predators, but there is the way of Kostava - people choose your way". ...The intimidated, terrorised people were forced to choose the way of robbers and predators!

Georgian people have no force against robbers and bandits: people are doing their best, but what has been created by them is plundered by the members of the government and their myrmidons.

Robbed money from people and state is invested in western banks or in real estate (in Cyprus, Spain, Switzerland, America and other places). Members of parliament, who should think about the welfare of people, are busy with quarrels and discussions. All this predicted Gamsakhurdia with surprising precision, however the opposition did not hear the truth for the bait of KGB.

Can it continue for a long time? By the laws of life the evil is always conquered by the good. The attitude of antizviadists towards Zviad bring us into memory the words from the Bible: "The their eyes were opened and they recognized Him and He disappeared from their sight". (Gospel According To Luke).

Zviad Gamsakhurdia disappeared, but his disappearance took the mask of the face of the enemies of the Georgian people. With his disappearance Zviad Gamsakhurdia finally annihilated the 'conqueror' Shevardnadze. Zviad Gamsakhurdia will appear before his ancestors as a conqueror.

What can be said about some former companions of Zviad?

"You have condemned and murdered innocent men, 
who were not opposing you"

(The Apostle Jacob).

So to say, they cut the bough on which they sat. There will be a time when the Georgian people with trembling and love will remember Zviad Gamsakhurdia, his remains will be brought from Chechnya to Georgia. As for Shevardnadze: he will suffer the same fate as Stalin.

(translated from the Russian by the Zviad Gamsakhurdia Society in the Netherlands)

Zviad Gamsakhurdia, The Nomenklatura Revanche in Georgia

Published by 'SOVIET ANALYST'
(Editor and Publisher Christopher Story), Vol. 21, N. 9-10, 1993:
'Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the Legally Elected and Legitimate President of Georgia,
Describes the Evil Revenge of KGB & the Nomenklatura'


Preface of 'Soviet Analyst'

In the following exclusive dispatch to SOVIET ANALYST, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the freely elected and legitimate President of Georgia, explains how the long arm of Moscow intervened in the affairs of Georgia and prevented the realization of the people's wish to be fully politically independent. He describes in anguished detail how this plot was implemented, and the key role played in it by Eduard Shevardnadze, in response to the requirements of Yevgeniy Pnimakov, head of the so-called Russian Foreign Intelligence Service, a manifestation of the KGB. The first sentence of this remarkable report is of exceptional importance to understanding events in Georgia, and also more broadly throughout the USSR. Gamsakhurdia writes: 'From 1987 onwards, through out the Soviet Union, 'democratic' and national liberation movementswere activated'. The last two words reveal that, as Anatoliy Golitsin has explained in this service and in unpublished Memoranda seen by the Editor of this service, the 'democratic' and national liberation movements were not spontaneous, but controlled - via the Komsomol and the KGB - by the Soviet authorities. At least, that was the intention. In two of the Soviet Republics - Lithuania and Georgia - there rose to positions of leadership genuine anti-Communists and patriots. In both countries, the Communist/Nomenklatura networks have been restored. The West has cynically collaborated with Moscow in confining Georgia's fate, to which this issue is specially devoted.


National liberation movement, 'liberalization' and 'perestroika'

From 1987 onwards, throughout the Soviet Union, 'democratic' and national liberation movements were activated. The rulers of the USSR, realizing the impossibility of continuing with the Cold War, yet not deviating from their intention to retain their Communist Empire, embarked upon a period of apparent changes and 'liberalization' under the label 'perestroika'.

Simultaneously, despite the freeing of political prisoners, they continued their bloody repressions against the national liberation movements, especially in Vilnius, Tbilisi, Baku and in other centers. But in the face of the pressure exerted by the peoples' will and by world public opinion, they were forced to permit non-Communist elections to take place in certain Republics - a step which led to Declarations of Independence by these Republics and subsequently to the total disintegration of the USSR.



In Georgia, the national liberation and democratic movement achieved its ultimate triumph on 28th October 1990, when the country's first multi-party democratic elections were held. This was truly a bloodless revolution - in which Communists were obliged to hand power over to the democratically elected Parliament and Government. For the first time in 70 years, Georgia began to enjoy all the normal democratic freedom - a free press, political freedom, and religious freedom.

It is a serious error to imagine, as some still do, that the Soviet Government based in the Kremlin, and their local Communist associates, surrendered in Tbilisi without a struggle. Following the drastic, punitive measures of repression they had taken on 9thApril 1989 against the national movement, they realized that their efforts had been in vain; so they lost no time in organizing a fake opposition - buttressed by powerful groups of armed criminals (the so called 'Mkhedrioni' gangs) which had been legalized by the Communists for emergency use.

They 'legitimized' this opposition by means of the creation of a so-called ' national congress', the members of which were 'elected' by means of false elections, and which was brought into existence for the sole purpose of replacing the true opposition, conducting political warfare, and committing acts of terrorism against the true national movement. In parallel with these measures, the Communists activated criminal extremists in so-called 'South Ossetia', who embarked upon a campaign of repression and terrorism against the local Georgian population, ruled directly from Moscow by the KGB and the Politburo.

By activating these forces, the Communists' intention had been to prevent truly democratic elections taking place in Georgia. However a combination of civil disobedience, mass popular demonstrations, protest actions by students and, finally a railway strike, compelled the Communist authorities to permit proper elections, in which the Communist Party participated.

Following the defeat of the Communists' cynical efforts to prevent elections taking place, the Communists suffered a humiliating defeat in the elections themselves, which were overwhelmingly won by State the 'Round Table/Free Georgia' grouping under my leadership. Faced with this outcome, the Moscow-based Communists and their associates in Tbilisi immediately set about preparing to reverse the course of events, enlisting the assistance of the mass media for this purpose.


Propaganda War

With effect from the very day of my election as Speaker of the Georgian Parliament on14th November 1990, groups of criminal 'Mkhedrioni' gangs embarked upon a campaign of attacks on police stations and atrocities all over Georgia, while the fake 'national congress' tried to organize acts of protest against my legally elected Government. In Moscow, a group led by Shevardnadze, Popkhadse, Mgeladse and other renegade Communists formed a special staff dedicated to the task of overthrowing the legally elected, legitimate Government of Georgia - organizing for the purpose an unprecedented propaganda campaign directed from Moscow and carried throughout the entire world for the purpose of discrediting it.

The US Administration generally - and the US President, George Bush, and his Secretary of State, James Baker, with whom Shevardnadze had direct relationships, personally- strongly supported this cynical disinformation campaign against the legally elected authorities of Georgia, which had every intention of seceding from the Soviet Union and had as its main objective the establishment of an independent democratic state.

For its part, the Western mass media repeated in full the elaborate lies of Soviet propaganda - including the propagation of an image of myself as a cruel dictator of Georgia, a kind of Saddam Hussein of the Caucasus, who was engaged in the outright suppression of all personal freedoms, the arrest of political opponents, the wholesale violation of human rights, the oppression of national minorities, and the waging of 'fascist war' against them under the slogan 'Georgia for the Georgians'.

The reality was the exact opposite of the evil picture painted by this Soviet propaganda. A total of 25 newspapers in Georgia systematically criticized and slandered the President and Parliament, an activity for which they were not persecuted (unlike the treatment they would have received under the Communists). The so-called 'opposition' was granted an 'alternative hour' on State Television, and my Government even offered these people the possibility of opening an independent TV channel. Since absolute political freedom was permitted under my leadership, parties and organizations which professed hostility to the Government were allowed to hold their incessant demonstrations and protest rallies, supported by their own newspapers and armed groups.

People were arrested while I was in power only for specific crimes and violence, not for their political views or for propaganda purposes. My Government insisted at all times upon the rights of the national minorities in Georgia being considered equal to those of the Georgian population. As for the abolition of South Ossetia's so-called autonomy, this was brought about by the Parliament of South Ossetia itself, which proclaimed the establishment of an independent Republic; and the relevant decree promulgated by the Georgian Parliament merely recognized this fact. The violence and disorder which followed in South Ossetia was provoked by extremist forces directed from Moscow. The political slogan 'Georgia for the Georgians' was never proclaimed by me at all: it was a cynical invention of Moscow's propaganda machine.


Referendum on independence and Presidential elections

A referendum on Georgian independence was held on 31st March 1991, at which more than 90% of the population voted for political secession and independence. Following this result, the Georgian Supreme Council in Tbilisi proclaimed Georgia's independence on 9th April 1991On 26th May, Georgia held its first presidential elections, and I was elected Georgia's first President.

Shortly after my election, a total political and economic blockade on Georgia was enforced, while every conceivable destructive measure was taken against the legally elected Georgian Government. Despite our Declaration of Independence, Gorbachev invited me to Novo-Ogarevo to sign the Union Treaty. It was following my explicit refusal to do so, that the Kremlin elaborated a concrete plan to overthrow Georgia's constitutional Government.

President Bush contributed personally to this persecution of Georgia when he visited the Soviet Union in the summer of 1991 and persuaded Ukraine to stay within the USSR - denouncing me as a 'man who has been swimming against the tide'. Subsequently, his Secretary of State, James Baker, announced the existence of an authoritarian regime in Georgia that would never receive any assistance from the US Administration. This statement was the signal for the armed 'opposition' to begin its lethal activity. As a Member of the Parliament, Mr. J. Afanasieff, has recently stated,Gorbachev and Shevardnadze diverted 65 million pre-hyper-inflation rubles for the purpose of financing the coup d'etat in Georgia.



Certain members of the legally elected Georgian Government, and also of the Parliament, who maintained dose contact with Shevardnadze in Moscow, took part in this conspiracy against the Georgian authorities. I refer in particular to the Prime Minister, T. Sigua, and to the Chief of the National Guard, T. Kitovani; the Minister of Foreign Affairs, G. Khostaria; the Speaker of the Parliament, A. Asiatiani; and V. AdamiaN. Natadse, and T. Paatashvili, Members of Parliament, together with others.

Sigua and Kitovani led an agitation campaign within the national guard, which had in fact been set up under my direction, seeking to persuade its members that I had supported the 'August coup' in Moscow. One of the methods they used was to state that I had supported Yanayev [Janaev], and to promise to show members of the National Guard some documents to prove it, resulting from the interrogation of Yanayev. None of these documents have been forthcoming to this day.

The charge was ludicrous because in fact I was the first President to appeal to Western countries on the second day of the Moscow 'coup' (20th August), to recognize that all elected presidents and parliaments in the region must be supported. I added that the organizers of the putsch represented 'reactionary forces'. My appeal was published in the Russian-language Tbilisi newspaper 'Swobodnaya Grusia', and was transmitted to news agencies world-wide.

Another technique used to win over the support of the National Guard was to persuade young, in-experienced recruits that I was planning to dismantle and disarm the National Guard (despite the fact that I had caused it to be established), basing this lie upon a decree I had issued, in which I had laid down that the National Guard was subordinate to the Interior Ministry of which it formed a part, and that this arrangement was necessary in order to protect the National Guard from Moscow's machinations.

By such unworthy means, the Moscow- directed plotters succeeded in enticing onto their side a significant proportion of the National Guard - establishing a new military camp on the outskirts of Tbilisi. This camp was hostile to me personally and to the Parliament, and became a base for disparate members of the so-called 'opposition', including specially released criminals, drug addicts and black marketers. These groups received financing from Moscow and the local Mafia. The Transcaucasian Military District of the Soviet Army (ZAKWO) supplied these formations with arms and armored vehicles, communications equipment, and military instructors.

The Moscow-directed 'opposition' to Georgia's legitimate Government, the Parliament and my Presidency, also received strong support from the Communist intelligentsia, which had enjoyed exceptional privileges under Soviet Communism, and the members of which had lost those privileges following the democratic revolution in Georgia, and were dreaming about a return to the years of rule by Shevardnadze.

Among the most shameless lies put about by the Moscow propagandists at that time was an accusation that I was seeking to isolate Georgia along Albanian lines - whereas of course the truth of the matter was that the authorities in Moscow had isolated Georgia through their own deliberate actions, slandering Georgia as a 'fascist state' groaning under 'totalitarian rule'. The upheavals and disorders in the country were so grave that I had been prevented from traveling to Western countries.

For instance, I had been unable to fulfill my plans to travel to Davos, Switzerland, in January, to visit Denmark in September in response to an invitation from the Danish Parliament, or to address the American Congress in response to its invitation. My inability to take up these invitations was falsely presented to the world as confirmation of my isolationist intentions, and thus proof of my 'anti-European' and 'anti-American' policies.

With effect from September, this coalition of officials who had defected, criminal and Mafia elements, and the so-called 'street opposition', were sufficiently organized to be able to intensify their campaign against the Government - demanding the resignation of the President, the creation of a new 'coalition government', and fresh parliamentary elections. On several occasions, these elements attacked the Parliament building, causing bloody incidents and disorder. They occupied the national television building and attacked the central electricity generating station in Tbilisi. I addressed the armed opposition on several occasions, calling for political dialogue - but without any result.



Following the collapse of Gorbachev's Novo-Ogarevo process, and recognizing the inevitability of the Soviet Union's disintegration, the Soviet leadership decided to create a new Empire model, the so-called C.I.S., which was to be established at a meeting planned for 21st December 1991 in Alma-Ata, when the leaders of the Soviet Republics were to sign an agreement establishing the new political entity. My refusal to attend this meeting was the development which triggered Moscow's decision to overthrow Georgia's legally elected Government. And no time was lost.

On that very day, 21st December, when the attention of the world was focused on the meeting in Alma-Ata, rallies began outside Tbilisi's Parliament building. One rally was attended by supporters of the legal Government, and another consisted of the armed so-called 'opposition', infiltrated by officers of the Russian Army. Armored cars and military vehicles appeared on the streets. The anti-government forces began to shoot at unarmed supporters of my Presidency, and several people were killed.

Thus the 'opposition' had embarked upon the final phase of its agitation to overthrow 'dictatorship' and to establish 'democracy' by violence, in accordance with the well-known prescription of Lenin. By means of this deceptive plan, supported by Moscow and the Soviet military, a group of putschists, led by the former Soviet Foreign Minister, KGB-General Shevardnadze, set out to overthrow Georgia's legal government, and to usurp power in Tbilisi. I openly and repeatedly warned the Georgian people and the world's governments about this dangerous intention, but unfortunately my warnings went unheeded.

On the following day, 22nd December 199l, the so-called 'opposition' occupied the Hotel 'Tbi1isi' and the Kashweti church in front of the Parliament building, and started shooting and bombing Parliament using artillery, missiles and snipers on the roofs of nearby buildings. The Parliament building was defended by elements of the National Guard who had not been deceived by Shevardnadze and his associates, and remained loyal to the President, but who lacked artillery, missiles, or heavy armour. In the course of their attack on the Parliament complex, the putschists burned down and destroyed all the surrounding buildings - including the Art Gallery, the Painting School, the City's leading college (formerly the aristocrats' gymnasium), and other establishments.

The City's central Rustaveli Avenue was reduced to ruins. My own house, where my wife and two children lived, was surrounded and bombed. Attempts were made to seize my family as hostages, but they were saved by members of the National Guard, by now called the President's Guard, and conveyed by armored car to the Parliament building. After they left, my house was stripped bare by criminal elements, no doubt with 'opposition' consent, and burned to the ground.

The siege of Tbilisi's Parliament building which continued for 16 days, was noteworthy for inhumanity and barbarism. Snipers shot anyone approaching the building, including the vehicles of First Aid workers, and fire engines which were therefore unable to quench the fires. Many houses were razed to the ground, and hundreds of people were left homeless. People who had been defending the Parliament building were killed in cold blood in Tbilisi's hospitals by members of the 'opposition', these putschistsfighting for 'democracy'.

At the end of December, the Russian Armed Forces reinforced the armed 'opposition'. After the Presidential Guard had managed to burn several armored vehicles and tanks operated by the 'opposition', new vehicles suddenly appeared. Their main base, the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, was heavily re-supplied by lorries, loaded with arms and ammunition. The accuracy with which shells, mortars and missiles were used was so great, that there can be no doubt that Soviet military specialists participated with the 'opposition' putschists. Moreover, drivers and troops from the Soviet Army were found dead in some of the armored vehicles which the Parliament's defenders had managed to hit.

On 27th December 1991, members of the Presidential Guard who were defending the television station under the command of B. Kutateladse, betrayed the President and yielded the television tower to the 'opposition'. On 2nd January 1992, these forces formed a 'Military council' and a 'Provisional Government', consisting of T. Sigua, T. Kitovani and D. Ioseliani - who was freed from jail for the purpose and linked up with the putchists and his former criminal associates. In parallel with these developments and Ioseliani's release, about 4,000 convicted criminals were also released from the prisons, given arms, and instructed to join the 'army of fighters for democracy'.



Recognizing that this war against the putschists, blatantly supported by the Soviet military, could not fail to result in further bloodshed, and might end up totally destroying our capital city, I and a group of my armed supporters left the Parliament building on 6th January 1992 under a hail of bullets. We traveled first to Azerbaijan, then on to Armenia, and finally to the Chechen Republic, where the President, Dshohar Dudaev, gave us temporary shelter. From Grozny, the capital of the Chechen Republic, I disseminated the following appeal to the United Nations and to all peoples and governments of the world:

Appeal to the peoples and the
governments of the World.
To all peoples of goodwill.
To the United Nations

'I, popularly elected president of the Republic of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, address all the people who value the ideals of democracy, human rights and freedoms and are not indifferent to the fate of the whole nation, which became a victim of a major disaster.

In Georgia in January 1992, the military junta of political adventurers and the local Mafia carried out a coup d'etat in Tbilisi, having forcibly usurped power and started a war against the constitutionally elected government and the President, which led to the deaths of hundreds of people. The capital Tbilisi was partially burned down and historic monuments were destroyed on the main avenue of the city.

In order to put an end to bloodshed, I, the President of the Republic of Georgia, left Tbilisi together with the members of my family, who also were under the threat of physical extermination. The putschists burned down the Parliament building, looted my house, which at the same time is a memorial estate of my father - the well-known Georgian writer Konstantine Gamsakhurdia.

The junta formed a self-appointed government and is committing unspeakable crimes against the people who put up resistance to lawlessness and tyranny. They systematically shoot at peaceful rallies, arresting innocent people including MPs. Their armed forces rob and terrorize citizens. The people have launched a campaign of civil disobedience. Strikes are being carried out at the enterprises, railways and ports. The country's energy and food crisis has reached alarming proportions.

I appeal to the United Nations, to the peoples and governments of the whole world, to issue a denunciation of the gross violations of human rights [committed] in Georgia by the junta, to demand the restoration of the constitutionally elected government and also to offer the Georgian people all the help they need to recover from this disaster, caused by the adventurous actions of the military junta'.

President of the republic of Georgia,
Zviad Gamsakhurdia,
Georgia, 27th january 1992.



But regrettably, bloodshed continued in Tbilisi and all over Georgia. After seizing power on 6th January 1992, the junta embarked upon systematic repression and a reign of terror, executing supporters of the legally chosen President, killing several hundred of them in Tbilisi alone, and in the countryside to the west of the capital. Near the village of Ninotsminda (Agaiani), murderous gangs were permitted to rob and kill people engaged in peaceful protests in support of my Government. In Tbilisi, hundreds of thousands of people demonstrated, protesting against the banning of the legally elected President and Parliament; and similar scenes were repeated in other towns throughout the country. During these manifestations, about a hundred of my supporters were assassinated, and many hundreds were wounded and detained.

It was always clear that the bulk of the forces of the armed so-called 'opposition' consisted of criminal elements - a fact which was even admitted by the junta's self-appointed so-called Prosecutor General, Vakhtang Rasmadse. His admission appeared later in the newspaper 'Sakartvelos Respublika' dated 25th February 1992.

Thus the notorious gangster Dzhaba Ioseliani, who had been convicted on several counts of murder, robbery and for other crimes, was suddenly elevated to membership of the new self-appointed 'government'. Tengiz Kitovani, another member of the junta, has several past convictions for various offenses committed under Communism. Ioseliani openly authorized, on television, all the atrocities being committed by his controlled gangs of thugs, and threatened all attending demonstrations and protest meetings with shooting and other forms of execution. The influence of this criminal junta on young people is deeply corrupting, given its repulsive use of money, drugs and weapons as enticements.

By day, the junta attacks peaceful protest demonstrations, and by night it terrorizes and robs the population. It imposed a State of Emergency and curfews in Tbilisi and in Georgia's five other main cities, in violation of Article 4 of the Georgian Constitution, which lays down that only the legitimately elected Government and Parliament have the right to announce a State of Emergency.

Later on the illegal junta and its forces commenced punitive operations in various cities and towns, where the protest movement against the overthrow of the legal Government has continued. Many reports, published in unofficial Georgian newspapers such as'Kartuli Azri', 'Agdgoma' and 'Sakartvelos tsis kvesh', have described acts of ruthless terror and barbarian behavior committed by the illegal junta's forces.

In Easter Georgia, demonstrations and protests took place in Gurdshaani, Telavi, Akhmeta and Kareli. However, after punitive operations conducted by the junta's forces, these demonstrations ceased. By contrast, in western Georgia, where the junta was able to deploy fewer forces, active resistance has continued to this day.

The junta's version of events is that because I am a west Georgian, the people in that part of the country support me more than they do elsewhere. In reality, the electorate in both western and eastern Georgia cast their votes for me in equal proportions; and I received particularly strong support from Georgians in Sagaredsho ('South Ossetia'),Kartli, Kakheti, Meskheti, etc.

The actual reason for the imbalance in the protest movement is the imperfect distribution of the junta's forces of repression, which are mainly concentrated in Tbilisi, Sagaredsho and in other regions of Kakheti, which they are able to control the most effectively. But the junta has launched several punitive expeditions into west Georgia, against the 'disobedient' populations in the towns of Zugdidi, Tsalendzhikha, Senaki, Martvili, and Khobi. Intelligence concerning the resulting brutalities, vandalism, terror, robbery and violence, and about the hundreds of victims among the peaceful populations in those locations, was published in the news- paper 'Sakartvelos tsis kvesh' (which means 'Under the Sky of Georgia'), issue number 37, dated 16th August 1992, printed in the Chechen Republic.

In February 1992, the former US Secretary of State, Mr. James A Baker, visited Moscow and met Shevardnadze and the head of the so-called 'Provisional Government' of Georgia, T. Sigua. The unofficial meetings and negotiations which then took place prepared the ground for the return of Shevardnadze, the former hated Communist dictator of Georgia, to Tbilisi for the stated purpose of guaranteeing 'political and economic stabilization, peace and democratic elections'. During his visit to Tbilisi, I sent a telegram of protest to Secretary of State Baker in the following terms:

'I express my protest against your intention to visit Georgia, which means support of the most illegal, anti-democratic, criminal and terrorist regime in the world, which has overthrown the legal authorities [who were] elected by the people, which wages war against its own people, rudely violates human rights and fundamental freedoms, chastening and shooting at peaceful meetings and demonstrations, has imposed a monopoly over the entire mass media, and collaborates with and stimulates the activities of, the underworld and the Mafia.

In seven towns and cities of Georgia including Tbilisi, there is still a curfew. Real power is in the hands of the notorious criminal and gangster Ioseliani. The criminal junta misappropriates all humanitarian aid received from the West and resells it on the black market at sky-high prices, while the people receive nothing. The economic situation is catastrophic; hunger, chaos and total destabilization are increasing; there is a great lack of foodstuffs and medicines; many people are dying of hunger and various diseases every day, especially old people and children.

Shevardnadze is reviving Stalinism in Georgia, has begun mass repressions and tortures; innocent citizens are arrested every day in large numbers because of their part in organizing protest actions; meetings, demonstrations, hunger strikes, strikes and protests are prohibited; and there is strict censorship throughout the country.

In such a situation, all possibility of free and honest elections is excluded. The situation [prevailing] in Georgia will soon come to resemble that in Somalia and Ethiopia. The United States' Government's actions in supporting this criminal totalitarian regime and establishing diplomatic relations with it, amount to a rude violation of all the democratic principles upon which American society is based, a violation of the [principles of the Helsinki Final Act, of the Charter of Paris, and of international law - a state of affairs which has induced indignation among the Georgian people, which is aware of the United States' positions vis-?is Cuba, Venezuela and Haiti.

As a result [of the position adopted by the United States], anti-American feelings are increasing. I demand from the US Administration that it should cease its [open] support of state terrorism in Georgia, and that it should establish contacts only with the legal authorities of Georgia, who are now in exile'.



It was not long before Shevardnadze himself arrived at Tbilisi airport, where he was met by a group of 'Mkhedrioni' gangsters, militiamen and some Nomenklaturaintellectuals - his supporters. He saluted these intellectuals from the Nomenklatura, "who had taken up arms and fought for the establishment of 'democracy'". Then he went first to the Sioni church, simulating piety, where he was welcomed by the local 'Patriarch', a long-term agent of the KGB, before proceeding to 'Government House', where he was there and then 'elected' as head of the new anti-constitutional body - the so-called 'State Council', which was in fact the same as the Military Council, but broadened and disguised.

Following his arrival on the scene, Shevardnadze presided over increased mass repression and a heightened reign of terror against his innumerable political opponents, who had continued to hold meetings and demonstrations, now against his arrival and his blatant usurpation of power. Punitive operations were carried out and repeated several times in western Georgia, with greater brutality and ruthlessness than before. Meanwhile the scale of assistance to the junta and its terrorist formations provided by the Russian military was stepped up, with supplies of armaments, technological equipment for warfare, and specialists.

Soon after Shevardnadze's arrival in Tbilisi, his gangs again attacked, robbed and burned my home at 19, Gali Street, which also served, as I have mentioned, as a memorial and museum to the memory of my father, the well-known writer Konstantine Gamsakhurdia. My house remains a burnt-out ruin to this day, in exactly the same condition as after these attacks, in spite of public remarks by Shevardnadze about his 'friendship' with Konstantine Gamsakhurdia. To make matters even worse, my house has been repeatedly defiled by members of the junta's mobs.


The West

Western politicians, and most of the mass media in the West, kept silent about the reign of terror, the repression and the barbarian vandalism unleashed in Georgia following the illegal seizure of power by the junta. The exceptions were the press inFinland and newspapers in Switzerland, which described the truth about the newly installed terror regime and the crimes it was committing. The United Nations, theCSCE, the Red Cross and most human rights organizations refused to investigate the facts about state terrorism and the human rights violations being suffered by the Georgian people - the exceptions here being IGFM, the International Society of Human Rights (based in Frankfurt), and the Finnish Helsinki Group. Both of these organizations manifested deep concern about these tragic events in Georgia.

Western cynicism and hypocrisy reached unheard-of levels with the further visit paid by Mr. James Baker to Georgia, on the anniversary of our independence, 26th May 1992. While Mr. Baker congratulated Shevardnadze and his boorish supporters gathered in the Square of the Republic in front of the Hotel 'Iveria', and spoke about democracy, about 200 meters from where Mr. Baker was speaking, a large force of 'Mkhedrioni' chastisers and police with dogs were busily engaged in dispersing another meeting of my supporters, shooting at the crowd, and beating people without mercy. Baker overheard this shooting in the streets, but made no comment, carrying on with his speech.

The CSCE's biannual summit meeting took place in Helsinki in early July. As the President of Georgia, and founder of the first Helsinki Group in 1975, I was invited to attend by the Georgia group in the Finnish Parliament. Mr. Heikki Riihijavi, the leader of that group, made three unsuccessful applications to the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in an attempt to obtain a visa for me to attend the CSCE Summit. The Ministry informed Mr. Riihijavi and the Chairman of the Finland-Georgia Society, Mrs. Aila Niinimaa-Keppo, that I would only be allowed to arrive in Finland after the conclusion of the Helsinki Summit. No explanation was given to the Finnish Parliamentary Group concerning this delay to my visit; and nor was any explanation forthcoming about the fact that members of the 'Mkhedrioni' gangster formations and officers from the KGB were allowed to enter Finland, whereas I was not.

Faced with this situation, Mr. Riihijavi complained, with justification [see ABN Correspondence, May-June 1992, Number 3, Volume XLIII]:

'This goes against the rules of the CSCE, which is based upon respect for legality, democracy and access to information and freedom to travel within the territories of the CSCE member states. How can the CSCE stop Gamsakhurdia from coming to Finland, while heartily welcoming Shevardnadze, who was involved in last year's putch and who masterminded the illegal takeover in Georgia? The CSCE was meant to protect nations against criminal leaders like Shevardnadze'.

I sent a similar letter of protest directly to the CSCE, but without any result. Meanwhile,Shevardnadze had taken part in the Helsinki Summit as a messenger of peace and democracy. By this illegal behavior, the CSCE violated its very own document, drawn up at the Moscow meeting of the participating states at their meeting lasting between 10th September and 4th October 1991. Specifically, the CSCE violated Article 17.2 of that document, which declares:

'If in any participating state an attempt is made to overthrow, or the overthrow takes place of, the democratically elected government by undemocratic methods, the participating states will support the legal bodies of the state concerned, in accordance with the United Nations Charter'.

In Georgia's case, this solemn stipulation was reversed. After receiving the blessing and approval of the CSCE - amounting, as one Finnish newspaper put it, to 'a license to kill' - Shevardnadze's bloody regime redoubled the intensity of its reign of terror all over Georgia. It did so, too, in the knowledge that it had the tacit support of the United Nations, as well as of the CSCE. Faced with this further onslaught, people in western Georgia have organized themselves to conduct guerrilla warfare against the marauding gangs and formations dispatched by the junta, which have been invading towns and villages. Many partisans have been tortured and executed byShevardnadze's junta.

As reported by SOVIET ANALYST, on 24th June 1992, Shevardnadze's secret services feigned a 'coup attempt', when some of my unarmed supporters were lured into the TV building by officers from the Ministry of Interior's troops, with the promise of an opportunity to broadcast their appeals to the Georgian people, without charge. When they accepted this offer, they were arrested and tortured. Shevardnadze's junta announced that an 'unsuccessful coup d'etat had taken place; and to dramatize the situation, provocateurs under the control of Ioseliani carried out terrorist atrocities, in the course of which several people were killed. The provocateurs then 'confessed' on television that they had received instructions from myself to commit these acts of terrorism. In response to this episode, I sent a telegram to Shevardnadze, in which I accused him of trying to discredit me using the methods of Stalin and Beriya.


War in Abkhazia

Turning now to Shevardnadze's policy concerning national minorities. In his propaganda, Shevardnadze accused me of being a 'fascist', a 'nationalist' and an 'enemy of the national minorities'. Now, however, he is visiting upon them direct violence and genocide - depriving them not merely of their autonomy, but also of even the right to live and exist. On 11th August 1992, troops of the 'State Council' embarked upon an extensive punitive campaign in the Abkhazian Autonomous Republic. Shevardnadze and his 'State Council' insisted that this invasion was necessary for the purpose of sustaining public order in this region, especially along railway lines. But the fact is that, following this invasion, the region has experienced, and continues to suffer, wholesale public disorder, anarchy, genocide, and total destruction and burning of entire towns and villages. In reality, Shevardnadze's objective was to overthrow the authorities in the Autonomous Republic.

What irritated Shevardnadze was that the authorities of this Autonomous Republic had not been persecuting my supporters, and had refused to introduce totalitarian rule, as practiced by the junta, in Abkhazia. There had been no reign of terror or repression of my supporters in Abkhazia, where the people had continued to enjoy political freedom, were able to publish their own newspaper 'Agdgoma', and were free to speak out on local television.

It is evident that the main purpose of the Abkhazian war is to establish in this regionShevardnadze's dictatorship and the rule of his junta and Mafia. The war in Abkhazia, which had already cost 4,000 lives by the end of last year, seems to be without end [culminating recently in the virtual flattening of Sukhumi: -Ed.]. The most descriptive expression to date of the true objectives of this war of oppression in Abkhazia, and ofShevardnadze's approach to the question of solving the problems of the minorities, came from Shevardnadze's Commander-in-Chief, 'general' G. Karkarashvili, who explained on a national television programme [25th August 1992]:

'If Abkhazia does not cease its resistance, my troops will kill all 97,000 Abkhazians'.

In other words, Shevardnadze and his murderers are prepared to liquidate the entire nation [- a process which appears to be well advanced: - Ed.]. For this purpose, too,Shevardnadze and Karkarashvili are evidently prepared to sacrifice approximately 100,000 Georgians, as well.

This, then, is the nature of the policies of Shevardnadze - former Communist dictator of Georgia, KGB General, promoter of terror, robbery, rape and genocide of national minorities and of his political opponents.

On 29th October 1992, the Defense minister, Kitovani, stated on Moscow Television that that autonomous regions are to be liquidated in Georgia, and that the matter of the autonomous regions will be resolved by military force. This statement, alone, makes it abundantly clear that, despite 'democratic elections' [see below] in Georgia, the country remains a terror dictatorship ruled by a criminal junta - and that all talk byShevardnadze about 'civilian rule' prevailing in Georgia are lies. Furthermore, by involving the north Caucasian peoples in his Abkhazian war, Shevardnadze and his junta are preparing the ground for a new Yugoslavia in the Caucasus. Western Georgia, including Abkhazia, is simply in ruins, with thousands of refugees fleeing these regions daily.


False elections

Concerning the elections, which Shevardnadze promised to hold in Georgia 'in accordance with all the standards adopted in democratic countries', I would like to ask the democratic world whether, in any democratic country of the West, the following behavior is normal:

  • 'Elections' are 'called', not by an elected body, president, or parliament, but by some illegal, self-proclaimed gathering called a 'State Council' which possesses no legitimacy and imposed itself upon the country by force.

  • The 'election' organizers fail to identify the electors by name and address, omitting to carry out the preparations necessary to ensure absolutely fair voting.

  • The people are subjected to intensified terror and repression ahead of the 'election', and are forced in many cases to provide written undertakings that they will vote for a single candidate for the post of Speaker of Parliament - the top post in Georgia.

  • The position of Speaker of Parliament is decided not by the votes of MPs, but in fact by 'public voting'.

  • 'Elections' take place against a background of civil war, anarchy, and curfews in many towns and cities.

  • 'Elections' take place without secret voting in most districts.

  • However, in a few districts of the capital, electoral arrangements, ballot boxes and booths for 'secret voting' are rigged up for the benefit of intentional observers, who are misled into deducing that the ballot boxes and booths for secret voting are replicated throughout the city and the country.

  • Moreover, the international observers are steered away from all other polling stations (where the voting arrangements are decidedly not secret).

  • At most polling stations, the 'elections' are conducted under the control of gunmen, who watch the voters as they place their votes, and check for whom they have voted. If they have not voted in accordance with the gunmen's 'preferences'.

  • ... the gunmen visit such 'disobedient' voters with ballot boxes, and force them under threat of death to 'amend' their previous vote, and to place their vote in accordance with the 'party line'.

  • Armored vehicles pursue 'electors' in the streets and drive them to the polling stations by force - a practice observed in the west Georgian town of Martvili.

  • Noticing that the number of ballot- papers cast is hopelessly insufficient for the authorities' purposes, the 'Election Commission' removes the boxes and replaces them with new ones - an activity observed, for instance, in the town ofVani.

  • People are seen stuffing ballot-boxes with 100-200 ballot papers.

  • Local 'Election Commissions' consist of carefully selected people loyal to the illegal government, without any involvement by the opposition.

  • So-called 'democratic elections' take place without any involvement on the part of opposition parties or individuals.

Was it not quite natural that, following such 'elections', the dictator Shevardnadze was 'elected' by 96% of the 'electorate'? Elections like these were of course standard under the Communists; and it is no coincidence that Communism has been revived in Georgia under Shevardnadze with great success, incorporating many of the 'innovations' introduced when Shevardnadze was in power earlier.

Shevardnadze has since boasted that he presides over a 'democratically elected' parliament in Georgia. It is curious, therefore, that 15 days after the elections, only a proportion of the parliamentary lists had been published - although even among the names published to date, the distribution of forces was remarkably favorable toShevardnadze. Among these names were very well- known nomenklatura-plutocrats, including notorious accomplices of the events of 9th April 1989, and Mafia bosses - all of whom had unaccountably emerged with huge majorities in the new 'parliament'.

The rest of the new parliamentary lists were published after a long delay, due to the fact that there erupted a great struggle among 'candidates' for inclusion within the favored Nomenklatura 'parliament', and a burning desire among their number for the opportunity of proving by their words (and deeds) their undying fidelity to the 'Speaker'.

But all of a sudden, Shevardnadze announced, on 21st October 1992, that the first session of the new 'parliament' had been delayed for an indeterminate period, due to the 'complicated situation' prevailing in Georgia. In actual fact, the real reason for this delay was a political struggle between the 'deputies' and a growing, indeed acute, danger from Kitovani, who threatened a fresh putsch, should he be removed from the position of power he had usurped.

As for Shevardnadze's boasts about the introduction of the market economy and the country's prosperity, the economic situation in Georgia is in fact catastrophic. The Russian Federation has allotted Georgia credits in the sum of 20 billion rubles [source: the Moscow-based newspaper 'Kuranti', October 1992, No. 38 [59]], while the United States and Turkey have assisted Georgia with several million dollars. All these credits,, as well as the humanitarian aid, are being systematically misappropriated by officials - applied for personal profit and for the financing of the Abkhazian war and punitive expeditions in west Georgia (Megrelia).

Privatization in favor of the Nomenklatura, is implemented on the orders of the junta members Ioseliani and Kitovani, and by others - with all national property and sources of valuable production distributed among the Nomenklatura/Mafia bosses.

Not surprisingly, most of the Georgian population, especially in the towns and cities, is on the verge of abject poverty and starvation. The agricultural sector has been totally paralyzed, especially in western Georgia. The main reasons for this breakdown are the civil war, a lack of fuel, an absence of agricultural equipment and technology, and the absolute chaos which has accompanied the privatization in favor of the Nomenklatura(known as 'Nomenklatura-privatization) of the land, which has been taking place without any legislative basis, in the absence of any law governing land and property, and in the midst of endless conflicts among landowners as they struggle against the former state farms for property, and production, while having to contend with banditry and robbery, and with the wholesale misappropriation of assets.

Even the illegal government's media has admitted that in Tbilisi alone between three and five men die of hunger every day - a figure dismissed by our sources as a gross understatement of the position, which is that dozens are dying every day from lack of food to eat.



In conclusion, I need to add that Shevardnadze's criminal regime is in the habit of repeatedly violating the Charter of the United Nations, the Declaration of Human rights, all principles of intentional law including the Helsinki agreement and the Paris Charter, and all declarations, pacts and conventions on Human rights and fundamental freedoms.

The regime operates by means of ruthless terror and violence, which are the main principles and instruments of state policy in Georgia.

It has no right to represent Georgia at the United Nations and in the forum of the CSCE, and it must be thrown out of these organizations. This heinous regime, which has brought Georgia to a state of political and economic catastrophe, is in the process of creating great dangers of destabilization and warfare throughout the Caucasus region, with the possibility of the war spreading even into Russia, and further fueling the basis for the emerging world crisis.

I, the legally and democratically elected President of Georgia-in-Exile, therefore appeal to the United Nations, to the governments and parliaments of the world, to the mass media, to all international political and religious organizations, and to all men and women of goodwill, to help Georgia in the midst of its terrible disaster, to condemn the state terrorism practiced by Shevardnadze's regime, to impose a total boycott on it, and to help restore the legal Parliament and Government.

Unless this happens, there can be no peace, stabilization or democratic development in Georgia, and throughout the whole of the region of the Caucasus.